{"id":4605,"date":"2014-08-11T21:00:00","date_gmt":"2014-08-11T18:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/yeni.assam.org.tr\/index.php\/2014\/08\/11\/millet-teorilerinin-tutarsizligi-ve-turk-kavraminin-gercek-muhtevasi-en\/"},"modified":"2014-08-11T21:00:00","modified_gmt":"2014-08-11T18:00:00","slug":"millet-teorilerinin-tutarsizligi-ve-turk-kavraminin-gercek-muhtevasi-en","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/millet-teorilerinin-tutarsizligi-ve-turk-kavraminin-gercek-muhtevasi-en\/","title":{"rendered":"The Inconsistency of Theories on Nation and the Real Content of the Concept of Turk"},"content":{"rendered":"

Within this study, understandings of nation in Islamic civilization and \u201cmodern-secular\u201d Western civilization are compared both with each other and on socio-political structures. These comparisons should be useful to know what is appropriate for Turkey.
Under the influence of the French Revolution, the \u201cnation\u201d became a new socio-political force in Europe. In the studies carried out to define the nation, the ideas of philosophers were used, not sociological observations. There was no consensus on any of the very different definitions produced on unrelated grounds such as race, native language and citizenship. Meanwhile, instead of accepting historical integrations, each state tried to build its own nation by choosing one of the definitions made. Thus, although they were known as \u201cnation-states\u201d, none of the states belonged to a clearly definable nation, and it was not possible for a state to artificially build its own nation. In the meantime, many states were fell apart, while the newly established ones faced the same danger.
On the other hand, the concept of nation in Islamic civilization has existed since the beginning and its meaning is clear. As a term found in the Qur’an, ‘nation’ refers to a religion and its believers. In the early periods, the common language of the \u201cNation of Islam\u201d was only Arabic. In the course of time, Persian and Turkish also became common languages in different regions. Thus, the term \u201cTurk\u201d became the name of Muslims of different ethnic origins and different native languages who used Turkish as a common language.
Later, with the modern-secular definitions of the West, the definitions of \u201cTurkish nation\u201d became unclear and controversial in Turkey, and the integrity of the Turkish nation was in danger of being disintegrated.<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

This article is published in the first issue of ASSAM International Refereed Journal.<\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

    \n
  1. INTRODUCTION<\/strong><\/span><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    This study includes the reading and questioning of scientific sources in different disciplines and the works of \u201cnationalist\u201d ideology and sociological observations.<\/span><\/p>\n

    In the study, there are determinations that the theories of the nation conceived in Western modernity are not agreed on, do not comply with historical and social realities, and there are contradictions within themselves, and that there are no such problems in the Islamic nation view.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

    In the study, it is explained that the relationship of the concept of nation with religion and the state differs according to civilizations.<\/span><\/p>\n

    Within this study, which is mainly carried out in the West and especially in Turkey, the meaning of the concept of Turk before Western modernity is also investigated and revealed, and the extent of the destruction in the following period is shown.<\/span><\/p>\n

    The views and attitudes of nationalist ideologies in the West and in Turkey regarding religion are also included in the content of this study.<\/span><\/p>\n

    Despite all its deficiencies, this study can be considered to be of interest to all Muslim societies, since it also includes an Islamic perspective on issues such as the state, nation, race and language.<\/span><\/p>\n

    Another feature of the study that should be noted is that if an idea or a statesman’s thought is found to be harmful, it is evaluated by looking at the paradigm of the period in which he lived, instead of accusation or defense, as a requirement of objectivity. The paradigm in the period when \u2018nation\u2019 theories were produced was \u201cModernization\u201d in the West and “Westernization” in the East.<\/span><\/p>\n

    \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

      \n
    1. FROM ISLAMIC CIVILIZATION AND NATIONALITY TO WESTERN CIVILIZATION AND NATIONALITY<\/strong><\/span><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

      The feature that is partially seen in the early stages of the Islamism, Ottomanism and Turkism movements that emerged in the last periods of the Ottoman Empire’s loss of power, and completely in the others, is \u2018admiration for the West’. This feature was clearly expressed by the Turkist leaders Ziya G\u00f6kalp, Ahmet A\u011fao\u011flu, Hamdullah Suphi Tanr\u0131\u00f6ver and the people who made the \u201cTurkish Revolution\u201d, as in other movements of thought.\u00a0 The suggestions of G\u00f6kalp, \u201cdesire to take the European civilization in a complete and systematic way\u201d; A\u011fao\u011flu, \u201cLeaving the defeated Islamic civilization and taking the victorious European civilization as it is, with its good and bad aspects\u201d; Tanr\u0131\u00f6ver \u201cto be the defender of Europeanness, the representative of Europeanness and sincerely Occidental\u201d and the statement of the then prime minister \u0130smet \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc that the reforms were made \u201cso that we would not be different from the Westerners\u201d is in the same vein (G\u00f6kalp, 1976a: 102; A\u011fao\u011flu, 1972: 8-17; Tanr\u0131\u00f6ver, 2000b: 9, 93; \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc, 1987: 209). Due to the civilization’s desire for Westernization, the “modern” (contemporary) norms of the West have been accepted in the understanding of \u2018nation\u2019.<\/em>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n

      One of the first Turkists, Yusuf Ak\u00e7ura, defended the idea of \u201cbringing a Turkish political nationality based on a race\u201d, even though he predicted that it would cause many Muslim tribes to leave the Ottoman Empire in the early 1900s. He stated that there was no such idea in the old Turkish states nor in the Ottoman state until that time, and he showed that the Turkish youth learned the German language and history as the possible reason for the emergence of that idea (Ak\u00e7ura, 1987: 23). Ak\u00e7ura and Ahmet Ferit (Tek) learned and adopted Turkishness from their teacher Albert Sorel during their studentship at Paris University. Their classmate, Yahya Kemal Beyatl\u0131, states that there are a few Turks in the class and says, \u201cTwo Turkish students who discovered a new horizon in Turkishness with the charm of these lessons, one is Yusuf Ak\u00e7ura and the other is Ahmet Ferit\u201d (Beyatl\u0131, 1970: 13-14).<\/span><\/p>\n

      Hamdullah Suphi Tanr\u0131\u00f6ver, who came to the post of general chairman of the Turkish Hearths in 1912 and held that position for a total of thirty-four years, said that \u201cnationality principles\u201d spread to the whole world after the French Revolution, with Napoleon’s campaigns. Tanr\u0131\u00f6ver stated that we had difficulty in accepting that idea, \u201cDue to our upbringing that rejects nationality, as being Arab, Albanian, Turkish and all Muslim nations,\u201d but eventually we adopted it (Tanr\u0131\u00f6ver, 2000a: 137-138). Tanr\u0131\u00f6ver found this quote to be accurate and took part in the \u201cTurkist\u201d movement as one of the most active defenders of it.<\/span><\/p>\n

      Enver Pasha, the man of action in the Committee of Union and Progress of Turkism, fled to Germany with some of the executives of the Committee of Union and Progress, as he was one of those who brought Turkey into the World War I and led to occupation of Turkey. The name of the association he founded in Germany is \u201cRevolutionary Islamic Union\/\u0130htilalci \u0130slam Birli\u011fi\u201d and the name of the publication is \u201cLiva el-\u0130slam\u201d. Enver Pasha, who took a lesson from the experiences, complained in an article in that journal that \u201cthe nationality fashion was taken in the way that the Europeans wanted to impose on us, without thinking about whether it would harm us or not\u201d. In that article, Pasha complained that claims of a nation independent from Islam, such as being Turkish, Arab, Albanian, Circassian, Bosnian, were made (Enver Pa\u015fa, 1921).<\/span><\/p>\n

      Ziya G\u00f6kalp, the most important ideologist of Turkism, also said that Western references, especially the works of Guignes and L\u00e9on Cahun, had an impact on the birth and development of Turkism (G\u00f6kalp, 1976a: 1-6).<\/span><\/p>\n

      Among the first Turkists, such as Abd\u00fclkadir Inan, Abdullah Battal Taymas, Ahmet A\u011fao\u011flu, Ahmet Cafero\u011flu, H\u00fcseyinzade Ali Turan, \u0130smail Gasp\u0131ral\u0131, Re\u015fit Rahmeti Arat, Sadri Maksudi Arsal, and Zeki Velid\u00ee Togan, the references for Turkish thinkers coming from abroad was Westerners.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

      Westerners, mostly Jewish, such as Arminius Vambery and Constantin Borzecki (Mustafa Celaleddin Pasha), David L\u00e9on Cahun, G. N. Potanin, Gyula N\u00e9meth, Joseph de Guignes, J. R. Apselin, Julius Klaproth, M. A. Castr\u00e9en, Moiz Kohen (Munis Tekinalp), N.I. \u0130lminskiy, N. M. Yadrintsev, N. Y. Bichurin, P. S. Palas, Sandor Csoma, V. I. Verbitskiy, Vilhelm Thomsen, Wilhelm Barthold, Wilhelm Radlof are the main pioneers of the new \u201cscientific\u201d Turkish solution.\u00a0\u00a0<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

      Prof. Dr. Arminius Vambery, of Jewish origin, is considered by some to be one of the greatest Turcologists of all time. This person, after staying in Mehmed Sadik R\u0131fat Pasha’s mansion in Istanbul for four years under the pseudonym “Re\u015fat Efendi”, made a three-year journey to Turkestan (1862-1865). A comprehensive work, written after his journeys, was published in London in 1864. Cemal Kutay evaluated Vambery’s journey in his work called \u201cFake Dervish\/Sahte Dervi\u015f\u201d. On the other hand, Mim Kemal \u00d6ke showed his activities during his stay in Istanbul and his connections with Zionism in his work named \u201cVambery: The Life Story of an Interstate Spy with Documents\u201d. After his journey to Turkestan, Vambery was interested in Turkishness until his death (d.1913), and he sent most of his studies and lecture notes to the Turkish Hearths. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Er\u00f6z, one of the important members of the ideology of Turkish nationalism, also accepts Vambery’s spread of ideology and says that that ideology called \u201cPanturkism\u201d was supported by the British in order to prevent the Russians from advancing in Central Asia. Er\u00f6z adds that the British were very afraid that this ideology would later be promoted by the Germans as well (Er\u00f6z, 1977: 289-290). Indeed, later on, the Turkist Union and Progress came under German influence and brought the Ottoman Empire into the World War I.<\/span><\/p>\n

      Er\u00f6z may be right in saying that the purpose of the British was to prevent the Russian advance. But in the meantime, it should be considered that they wanted to disintegrate the Ottoman Empire. The prediction of Yusuf Ak\u00e7ura, one of the first Turkists, that if that ideology were realized, that the Ottoman Empire would disintegrate was given above from his own work. The British, as well as supporting Turkism through Vambery, seems to have attempted to disintegrate the Ottoman Empire by provoking Arabism through Lawrence and Kurdishism through E. W. C. Noel. (Kral Abdullah, 2006: 62-176; \u00d6ke, 1989: 26-43).<\/span><\/p>\n

      Another state where there is information in the sources that it works for the same purposes is France. The statement of Hamdullah Suphi Tanr\u0131\u00f6ver, one of the Turkist leaders, that the armies of Napoleon spread nationalism, was mentioned above. When Napoleon abolished the Venetian state and settled in the Septinsular Republic belonging to this state, he accelerated the nationalist provocations directed against the Greeks and all the Balkans. In order to achieve this, in the order he gave to his commanders, he said, \u201cDo your best to win the people’s hearts. If the people have a tendency to independence, fuel that feeling.\u201d When he heard that the commanders were carrying out this task successfully, he said, \u201cThe nationality bigotry that started to swell will be stronger than the religious bigotry\u201d (Karal, 1947: 105).<\/span><\/p>\n

      Indeed, the \u201cnationality bigotry\u201d, first spread by France and then encouraged by British, dragged the Ottoman Empire into disintegration, as the Turkist Yusuf Ak\u00e7ura said. What came with that ideology, as explained by the above-mentioned words of the early Turkists, is the \u201cnation\u201d understanding of Western modernity.<\/span><\/p>\n

      \u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

        \n
      1. THE CONCEPT OF \u2018NATION\u2019 IN WESTERN MODERNITY<\/strong><\/span><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

        Since the Renaissance-Reform period, the secular-laicistic trend in Europe has developed day by day. In that process, it is recognized that the Treaty of Westphalia of 1648 provided for the transition to the nation-state form as the basic unit in the international system (Dursun, 2006: 142). With the French Revolution in July 1789, \u201cnation\u201d as a secular concept was used in an official declaration to give people a new sense of belonging. After declaring that sovereignty belongs to the nation in Article 3 of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen of the French Revolution, this principle was strengthened with the following sentence: \u201cNo delegation, no individual can exercise an authority that does not clearly come from the nation\u201d (Ate\u015f, 1997: 185).<\/span><\/p>\n

        It is very interesting that the concept of nation was tried to be defined in the West after that term was introduced and used. The Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen of the French Revolution is dated 1789. It means that at the end of the eighteenth century. The studies to define the concept of \u201cnation\u201d started in the nineteenth century (Jaffrelot, 1998).\u00a0 This means that they first took refuge in a term that they had not yet clarified, and then realized that they encountered a difficult problem for themselves in the definition studies. That problem has been expressed with the question “What is a nation” and a satisfactory answer has not been given until today because it is defined in different ways by many different thinkers.<\/span><\/p>\n

        It is possible to divide the theories of nation produced in the West into two groups, namely \u201cland law\u201d (citizenship) and “law of blood\u201d (unity in racial origin and native language). The most obvious representative of the former is French nationalism, and the latter is German nationalism.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

        Since the citizenship-based understanding explains the nation with political boundaries, it is not satisfactory in explaining the connection of the population with the time before the current state and with the extensions of the population that transcend the political boundaries. In addition, in the event of the collapse of the existing state, it results in the absence of any commonality among its people. In fact, if the state and citizens do not share common goals with each other, there may not be a need to be a separate state from others. Then, in this understanding, it does not seem logical to talk about a strong nation and a state with a secure future.<\/span><\/p>\n

        The understanding based on unity in race and native language shows the nation was present in ancient times and still continues, and it ignores the mass participation in the intervening period. It also makes it doubtful whether each individual belongs to that nation or not.<\/span><\/p>\n

        One of the features seen in this understanding is to explain the nation with some anthropometric criteria. However, it is very rare for an individual to see all the characteristics of the race to which he belongs. Straight-blond hair, gray-blue eyes, light skin, and dolichocephalic head are shown as the racial characteristics of the Swedes, who are mostly seen just as \u201can example\u201d. In an anthropometric study conducted in the Swedish army, it was determined that only 11% of the soldiers had these characteristics (G\u00fcven\u00e7, 1996: 45).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

        For Western, Central and Southern Europe, the racial attribution does not fit at all. Because the influx of very crowded tribes that brought forth feudalism, completely blended the population. The Vandals, Visigoths, Ostrogoths, Burgundians and the coming Germanic tribes settled in different regions and integrated with the indigenous peoples. There were very few women from their own tribes with them. All tribal men except chiefs married Latin women (Renan, 1946: 102).The Vandal in North Africa, the Visigoth in Spain, the Burgundian in South-Western Gaul, the Ostrogoth in Italy, and then the Lombard kingdoms, which were established in the imperial lands after the fall of the Roman Empire, were the results of the union of those Germanic tribes with the native tribes. Vikings and Varangians, as (Norman) tribes from the northern Scandinavian countries, formed another mass blend in Europe. The word \u201cNormandy\u201d, which is used as the name of a region of France today, is inherited from these Norman tribes (\u00d6zy\u00fcksel, 1997: 29-36).\u00a0 Central Asian Avars, Bulgars, Huns, Kipchaks, Onugurs and Pechenegs and Caucasian Alans also came to Europe and took part in the same blend (Day\u0131, 2013b: 102).<\/span><\/p>\n

        Another feature seen in this understanding is the definition of the nation according to the native language, as the German philosopher Herder insisted (Smith, 2004: 123). Nowadays, this principle is being abandoned due to the intense demands of the states from their own people. Because there is almost no country of which population has only one native language. 113 out of 194 member states of the United Nations have more than one official language, one of which is the \u201cgeneral official language\u201d of that country (Milliyet blog, 2013).<\/span><\/p>\n

        Some linguistic similarities between nations were also used as evidence of \u201ccoming from an origin\u201d through Comparative Linguistics, but over time it was understood that this was not accurate. Because the changes observed in the nations have revealed that the language cannot be a genealogical indicator. The most obvious examples of this are the Russians, the Germans and the Bulgarians. Russians, who used to speak Swedish as a Norman tribe, now speak Russian, a Slavic language (Barthold, 1975: 81-82). The Germans spoke Slavic a few centuries ago. Ernest Renan, who gave this example, said that \u201cthe instances are too many to count\u201d (Renan, 1946: 115). Another example is the Bulgarians. Bulgarians, who originated in Central Asia, used to speak Turkish, but today their language is from the Slavic language group. The abundance of such examples justifies the warning of the philosopher of language Ferdinand de Saussure that racial origin cannot be found in Comparative Linguistics (Saussure, 1998: 28, 276).<\/span><\/p>\n

        As can be seen, none of the Western theories could explain the concept of nation. For this reason, Ernest Gellner and Eric J. Hobsbawm, who are among the thinkers who are distant to that concept, describe this concept, which is completely new to the West, as \u201cinvented\u201d and Benedict Anderson as \u201cimagined\u201d (Hobsbawm, 1995: 24; Anderson, 1995: 20). Even Ernest Renan, one of the thinkers who adopted the concept of nation, showed inconsistencies with all definitions by making selections from different societies (Renan, 1946: 105-106). Hugh Seton-Watson, who also adopted the concept of nation, had to say, \u201cI have to admit that no ‘scientific definition’ can be made for the nation, but there is a phenomenon, and it continues to exist\u201d (Anderson, 1995: 17).<\/span><\/p>\n

        In the meantime, it should be noted that, based on the suggestions of Montesquieu and Jean Jacques Rousseau, each of the Western and Westernizing states has been trying to establish a homogeneous nation-building for a long time. Montesquieu draws attention to the fact that the social institution was first built by the chiefs of the republic, and then that institution determined the chiefs of the republic; Rousseau also said that the state had to establish a certain foundation for itself in order to gain solidity (Rousseau, 1986: 78, 88). Rousseau’s advice was: \u201cThe first rule we must follow is of national character, every people has or must have a personality, if it lacks it, we must set to work to give it that\u201d\u00a0 (Smith, 2004: 123). The efforts to create a nation with that \u201csocial engineering\u201d mentality were also explained by the founders of Italy and Poland: The following words of Massimo d’Azeglio in the first session of the Parliament, after the Italian unity was established, are quite interesting: \u201cWe created Italy, now we must create Italians.\u201d Colonel Pilsudski, who was the savior of Poland, said with the same mentality, \u201cIt is not the nation that creates the state, but the state that creates the nation\u201d (Hobsbawm, 1995: 62).<\/span><\/p>\n

        While the ideologues of the nation-state model gave the state the authority\/task of \u201ccreating a nation\u201d, they were also looking for opportunities to become involved in religion. Because Christianity, like Islam, being an international religion, was not suitable for being national, neither by citizenship nor by race and language criteria. However, nationalism regards almost every identity shared with others as a danger that can destroy national identity over time. For this, different methods have been applied. The important philosopher of German nationalism, Johan Gottlieb Fichte, rejected \u201cthe parts of St. Paul of Jewish origin\u201d in the Bible and introduced the parts of John as the \u201cTrue Bible\u201d. The Italian philosopher Giuseppe Mazzini said that Italians should make a major reform in Catholicism that will surpass Protestantism (Baron, 2007: 60-75). French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau ruled that there could not be a \u201cnational religion\u201d in the West as before, and stipulated that existing religions should not prevent \u201ccivic duties\u201d (Rousseau, 1986: 199-210). This logic may have an effect on the extreme secularism of France, which defines the nation on the basis of citizenship.<\/span><\/p>\n

        The \u201cnation-builder\u201d approaches listed can be called trying to create the nation of the state. Those efforts did not yield the expected results in any country. Additional disintegration tendencies have been added to the many disintegration that has occurred, and the following question has occupied the minds of many Westernized philosophers, such as Immanuel Wallerstein’s: \u201cWhen everyone who lives in a country is effectively integrated, does the \u2018nation\u2019 redefine itself in such a way that it recreates its own \u2018marginals\u2019?\u201d (Wallerstein, 2003: 126).<\/span><\/p>\n

        What actually happened is not the national marginalization of the integrated masses. While the \u201cintellectuals\u201d are trying to create an artificial \u201chomogeneous nation\u201d to the state with forced explanations and impositions, they are dragging the real nation into disintegration, which has developed with the integrations in the natural course of history.<\/span><\/p>\n

        Ernest Gellner’s statement that \u201cthe state has certainly emerged without the help of the nation\u201d summarizes the state of Western nation theories. The relationship of the Islamic nation understanding with religion and the state is completely different.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

        \u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

          \n
        1. THE CONCEPT OF \u2018NATION\u2019 IN ISLAMIC CIVILIZATION<\/strong><\/span><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

          From the explanations above, it is understood that in Western modernity, either the complete replacement of the old state system (revolution) or the establishment of a new state (state-building) and then the existence of a nation-building policy suitable for that renewed state.<\/span><\/p>\n

          The opposite of that state-priority structuring can be seen in Islam. In the first period of Islam, a nation was formed that started from Mecca and spread gradually, then when the need arose, a state was established at the end of a consultation in Medina. When this feature is taken into consideration, it is seen that the relationship between nation and state in Islamic understanding is not the state building a nation, but the nation building a state. In other words, the logic of the state of the nation, not the nation of the state, is essential. In this case, Muslims do not need to be puzzled by the question \u201cWhat is a nation?\u201d, like Western theorists. Two more reasons can be given for this, one in terms of time and the other in terms of meaning. In terms of time, the term \u2018nation\u2019 was used in Islam eleven centuries before it was first used in the West. In terms of meaning, the concept of \u2018nation\u2019 in Islam is clearly related to religion.<\/span><\/p>\n

          In Islam, \u2018nation\u2019 primarily means \u2018religion\u2019 and \u2018Truth\u2019 is a valid term for religion as well as for superstitions. It is seen that only the term \u2018religion\u2019 is used while describing the differences in faith in the Qur’an, and it is also used as the nation of a prophet. The meaning in the second option is slightly wider. In the explanations compiled and quoted from various sources by the tafsir scholar Elmal\u0131l\u0131 Hamdi Yaz\u0131r, \u201cnation means the path one takes,\u201d which can be right or wrong. In this respect, religion, sharia and nation have the same meaning. On the other hand, they have some nuance differences in meaning. According to those differences, they are expressed as religion in terms of creed and belief, sharia in terms of deeds and practices, and nation in social terms. In that case, nation as a concept is the union of a religion and a society that believes in it. As a matter of fact, in Ottoman Turkish, \u201cnation means both religion, sect, and all those who belong to a religion or sect\u201d (Devellio\u011flu, 1978: 775).\u00a0This means that when \u201cnation\u201d is mentioned in Islamic literature, a sociological aspect is added to religion, which is a belief system.<\/span><\/p>\n

          After all, \u2018nation\u2019 as an Islamic concept is irrelevant to both citizenship law and blood law, which are the \u2018nation\u2019 theories of Western modernity. In other words, it cannot be degraded to the meaning of the people within the borders of a state, the people speaking the same mother tongue, the people of the same ancestry, or the community of people with the same anthropometric characteristics. Islam does not tolerate trying to destroy and homogenize the stated differences between people. On the contrary, it encourages us to accept and even respect differences, so to speak. Because the language and color differences in people are shown as “verses of Allah” in the Qur’an (Quran, 30\/22).<\/span><\/p>\n

          The feature seen in this kind of understanding of nation is that tribal identities within the national body can be used freely, provided that they are not for the purpose of glorification or humiliation. Bilal (r.a) and Salman (r.a) can be shown as examples of people who were known by the names of tribes in the time of the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh). These two persons were referred to as Bilal-i Habeshi and Salman-i Farisi by emphasizing their tribes, and they received love from both the Prophet and his companions because of their taqwa.<\/span><\/p>\n

          Unlimited by the state, race and native language, the \u201cnation of Islam\u201d means all Muslim societies from various tribes with separate native languages. The common language of this nation was Arabic. Over time, when Islam spread to very large areas, different languages became centralized in different regions and became a common language, and tribes united within the framework of any common language became known as \u201cnation\u201d according to that language. Within this context, it is seen that three languages, namely Arabic, Persian and Turkish, are centralized. These three languages were mentioned as “three languages” in the older literature (Devellio\u011flu, 1978: 257). The feature that immediately draws attention here is that the common religion-common language criteria dominate, far from the language-race understanding that excludes religion in the West. Thus, the concept of \u201cTurk\u201d expressed the combination of different ethnic origin and different native language Muslim tribes using Turkish as a common language.<\/span><\/p>\n

          Actually, the very old term ‘Turk’ has never been the name of a race in any period of history (the same situation is valid for other \u201cnations\u201d as can be understood from the lines above, but as the title suggests, the concept of Turk is emphasized in this article). It was the biggest damage to the integrity of the nation, both inside and outside the borders of Turkey, when it was given such a meaning by the influence of the West. In fact, it can be said that the countries that suffered the most in the adoption of the concept of \u201cnation\u201d according to Western modernity are Islamic countries, especially Turkey. Because the abandonment of the concept of nation in Islamic civilization renders the unity of Muslim tribes with different native languages and different ethnic origins meaningless within a \u201cnation-state\u201d expressed in the logic of Western modernity. The sentences of complaint used by the Turkist Enver Pasha when he saw that result were given above. That dire result would not be surprising when the concept of ‘Turk’, conceived in Western modernity and imposed on Turkey, is compared with the concept of historical-natural Turk.<\/span><\/p>\n

          \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

            \n
          1. THEORETICAL INCONSISTENCES OF WESTERN MODERNITY IN THE CONCEPT OF \u2018TURK\u2019<\/strong><\/span><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

            It was shown above that Western philosophers have not been able to clarify the concept of the nation in their secular civilization since the seventeenth century, since it does not fit into the structure of almost any country. It is seen that the concept of nation is dragged into the same chaos in the Islamic world, which has passed to Western civilization. This situation has become much more complicated especially for Turkey. The reason for this situation is that in the historical-existence field of the Turks, there are many changes and additions that cannot be compared with those in other societies, both in terms of place (homeland), social environment, lifestyle (from nomadism to residence, from animal husbandry to farming and commerce) and in terms of faith. It is a state of expedition that affects all material and spiritual aspects of social life. It can even be said that the Turkish nation was formed in an expeditionary state, as opposed to the resident state of other nations. Therefore, the concept of ‘Turk’, which was prepared according to the norms of Western modernity, could not be clarified. Each of the \u201cnationalist\/nationalitarian\u201d ideological thought systems, which are still referred to as \u201cTurkist-Turanist, Ataturkist-Kemalist, Anatolianist\u201d, has a distinct Turkish understanding.<\/span><\/p>\n

            \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

            5.1. Turkist-Turanist Views<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

            The concept of \u201cTurk\u201d of which \u201cfoundations\u201d was accepted as systematized by Ziya G\u00f6kalp (1876-1924) and became the most widespread one in Turkey, was introduced by philosophers within the Turkist framework. This understanding is \u2018Turanist\u2019 in nature, whether it is stated separately or not. Since it is also processed in educational institutions, those who do not follow the \u201cnationalist\u201d line have learned the concept of \u201cTurk\u201d within this framework. Under the headline of \u201cFrom Islamic Civilization and Nationality to Western Civilization and Nationality\u201d, it was shown directly from the accounts of the first Turkist ideologues that this view was based mainly on the concepts of \u201cnation and Turk\u201d produced in Western modernity. Ziya G\u00f6kalp’s influence on this view becoming official in Turkey and becoming an ideology that some people enthusiastically adhere to is indisputable. After G\u00f6kalp, two movements of thought emerged that followed him but had some differences in nuance. In this respect, it would be beneficial to deal with the issue with a triple classification.<\/span><\/p>\n

            \u00a0<\/p>\n

            5.1.1. Basic Turkist-Turanist View<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

            Ziya G\u00f6kalp, who was in the Islamist-Ottomanist line with the influence of his family until his high school years in his hometown of Diyarbak\u0131r; it was his Greek-born teacher, Dr Yorgi, who was an atheist who caused the most effective change in G\u00f6kalp\u2019s life. Yorgi, who guided G\u00f6kalp to positivist philosophy, suggested to him when they met again during his university years in Istanbul that a \u201cTurkish Revolution\u201d was needed, and that \u201cTurkish sociology and Turkish psychology\u201d should be built on them. G\u00f6kalp, who conveyed this advice as \u201cMy Teacher’s Will\u201d, says that he started to learn those sciences \u201cin order to examine the sociology and psychology of the Turkish nation\u201d (G\u00f6kalp, 1973: 11-16).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

            G\u00f6kalp is introduced as \u201cthe greatest Turkish and Islamic philosopher of the 20th century\u201d in the Turkish Encyclopedia (Tansel, 1969). It was influential in the views of the Committee of Union and Progress in the Ottoman period, and of the People’s Party (CHP) in the Republican period. He also served as a member of parliament from these parties. His political influence in the Republican period was also high before he became a member of parliament. In fact, Falih R\u0131fk\u0131 Atay, who was in the Turkist team that planned the new political line, states that they were influenced by G\u00f6kalp\u2019s ideas in the journal named K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck Mecmua, which he published in Diyarbak\u0131r:\u00a0\u201cWe can say that Ziya G\u00f6kalp was managing us from Diyarbak\u0131r with that journal\u201d (Korkmaz, 1994: 55-59, 241).<\/span><\/p>\n

            The names of Westerners, who were G\u00f6kalp’s references of information about Turkishness, were listed above. When his own works are examined, it is understood that the basis in the fields of sociology and philosophy is the French philosopher Auguste Comte, the French sociologist Emile Durkheim, the German philosopher Wilhelm Friedrich Nietzsche, and the British philosopher Herbert Spencer, who adapted Darwin’s evolutionist view to sociology, and the French philosopher Alfred Fouill\u00e9e.<\/span><\/p>\n

            Writers who interpret G\u00f6kalp claim that he does not think based on race, based on his words such as \u201cthere are races in horses\u201d. The situation that overlooked by those writers is that he made a distinction between \u201crace based on anatomy and race based on lineage-language\u201d, while he was not very popular with the first(?), he was very adhered to the second. This is evident in the following statements:<\/span><\/p>\n

            \u201cIn this way, we will understand \u2018language family\u2019 from the term \u2018tribe\u2019, and we will understand \u2018types showing anatomical similarities\u2019 from the word \u2018race\u2019. In that case, a tribe would mean a nation that lived as a \u201ccommunity speaking the same language\u201d in a very old time and then dispersed. As for the race, it remains only the anatomical types of which members are not found collectively in one place and scattered among all nations. The ‘race’ that is honored to be affiliated with today is certainly not an anatomical type, but a tribe based on language and history. Is not the language community, that is, nationality, a branch of this group?\u201d (G\u00f6kalp, 1974a: 67-68).<\/span><\/p>\n

            As it is known, racial theories position nations under race umbrellas according to their various characteristics; The names of various nations are counted within the body of each of the races such as Slavic, Latin, Semitic, Ural-Altaic. G\u00f6kalp does not find any of those categories appropriate for Turks. He is very extreme in his attitude. He expresses this extremism in his last book, \u201cHistory of Turkish Civilization\/T\u00fcrk Medeniyeti Tarihi\u201d:\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

            \u201cSome authors consider Turks as ‘Altaic’ or ‘Ural-Altaic’ race because some of their institutions or words are common… Races are some examples of anatomy that are distinguished by their long or flat skull, their hair, beard and mustache being black or brown… While looking for the kinship of the Turks, kinship should not be sought through them, relying on some common institutions of the civilizational groups… Turks did not belong to the Altaic race or the Ural-Altaic race. The Turks had lived with them for a long time, either politically or in terms of civilization. The apparent similarities of the Turks with them are the results of this common life… Turks are a separate race. They are not separated from one of the other races\u2026 Ancient Turks cannot have origins because they are a separate race. Turks have been an independent race since prehistoric times. They are too numerous to constitute a separate race.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

            G\u00f6kalp also produces a structuring theory for the Turks, which he claims to exist as itself, without any kinship with any group, since the hunting period:<\/span><\/p>\n

            \u201cThe Turkish family first took the form of \u2018ancestry\u2019, then \u2018paternal family\u2019, and finally \u2018conjugal family\u2019. There was \u2018maternal lineage\u2019 in the hunting age. The maternal lineage expanded. Later, the paternal lineage formed and merged with the others. These forms of this family are symmetrical with the period when the society was tribal. Both maternal and paternal lineages also split and expanded. This family example is also symmetrical with \u2018Tudun\u2019.<\/span><\/p>\n

            Later, lineages were also divided, giving rise to paternal families. Finally, the conjugal family came into being from the division of the paternal families. The conjugal family will take its full and true form with the new family law\u201d (G\u00f6kalp, 1974b: 25-27, 324).<\/span><\/p>\n

            The understanding of the Turkish race based on anatomical difference is also seen in G\u00f6kalp, in contradiction to his explanations given above. G\u00f6kalp did not find a scientific approach to show Turks as members of the yellow race. The reason for this is that he describes the Turks as \u201cwhiter and more beautiful than the Aryans\u201d (G\u00f6kalp, 1976a: 51).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

            It is too many to cover the contradictions in subjects such as language, religion, culture and civilization, beyond a single article. Despite the racial explanations above, it is also possible to show Turkishness based on language and culture (G\u00f6kalp, 1973: 229; 1974a: 67). Aside from the interesting fact that he made such contradictions, it is even more interesting that those contradictions went unnoticed.<\/span><\/p>\n

            Focusing his studies on Turkishness on pre-Islamic Central Asian societies, G\u00f6kalp’s evaluation of the Ottoman Empire in the name of Turkishness is completely negative. He said:<\/span><\/p>\n

            \u201cThe Ottoman example was thrown into the field of imperialism, which was harmful to the culture and life of the Turks, became cosmopolitan, saw class interests above national interests… All governing cosmopolitans constituted the \u2018Ottoman class\u2019, and the ruled Turks constituted the \u2018Turkish class\u2019. These two classes did not like each other. The Ottoman class saw itself as the dominant nation and looked at the Turks it ruled as a captive nation\u201d (G\u00f6kalp, 1976a: 33). \u201cThe Turks were in great captivity\u201d (G\u00f6kalp, 1976b: 56). \u201cThe distinguished people in the Ottoman Empire were traitors to the nation\u201d (G\u00f6kalp, 1977c: 49).<\/span><\/p>\n

            Although there is Islam in G\u00f6kalp’s understanding of religion, he took a stance in favor of reducing its influence in social life. For example, during the Second Constitutional Era, he ensured that Muslim women were not obliged to wear hijab and that the Shaykh al-Isl\u0101m and the Minister of Foundations were removed from the government. He proposed to consider whether it is possible for the fiqh provisions of social life to be based on custom rather than a definitive rule. He argued that the adhan should be read in Turkish in the Turkish homeland and asked the Caliph not to resort to fatwas in making laws. He claimed that the law was separate from religion and that it was left to the state with the authority to prepare it according to custom (Eri\u015firgil, 1951: 166-178, 208-209; G\u00f6kalp, 1981; 1976b: 11, 28, 33).<\/span><\/p>\n

            For a while, he defended the idea that \u201cIf the national ideals of the Turkists are Turkishness, then the ideal of the ummah is Islam\u201d (Islamic Union)\u00a0 (G\u00f6kalp, 1974a: 40). He abandoned that idea in 1923 and explained the reason as follows:<\/span><\/p>\n

            \u201cOnce upon a time, the ideal of Islamic Union was thought to ensure the independence of Muslim tribes and the liberation of Islamic countries from colonization. However, practical experience has shown that the Islamic union gave birth to reactionary movements such as theocracy and clericalism, and also because it is against the awakening of national ideals and national consciences in the Islamic world, it prevents the progress of Muslim tribes as well as hinders their independence. Because preventing the opening of the national conscience in the Islamic world means preventing the independence of Muslim nations. Theocracy and clericalism events are the biggest reasons for societies to lag behind and even to regress\u201d (G\u00f6kalp, 1977b: 60).<\/span><\/p>\n

            In another article he wrote in the same year, he wrote, \u201cThe Ottoman ideal was destroyed and the Turkish ideal took its place. In that case, he suggested that all laws, all organizations, all institutions, in short, all values \u200b\u200bneed to change according to this new ideal? and suggested that a \u201cgenuine revolution\u201d should be made that would make \u201cradical\u201d changes not only in form but also in values (G\u00f6kalp, 1977a: 54).<\/span><\/p>\n

            Since G\u00f6kalp’s views have influenced almost all variants of Turkish nationalism, it will be necessary to return to him occasionally when examining others.<\/span><\/p>\n

            \u00a0<\/p>\n

            5.1.2. Fully Racist Turkist-Turanist View<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

            The main leaders of this movement are Nihal Ats\u0131z (1905-1975), Nejdet San\u00e7ar (1910-1975) and Reha O\u011fuz T\u00fcrkkan (1920-2010). Although they are followers of G\u00f6kalp, they are more extreme in their commitment to the concept of race.<\/span><\/p>\n

            After stating that a general definition of the nation has not been made, Ats\u0131z attempts to define the Turkish nation specifically and says:<\/span><\/p>\n

            \u201cFor Turks, nationality is first and foremost a matter of blood. In other words, the man who will say ‘I am Turk’ must be from the ‘Turkish’ generation. The Turkish generation is the Turks who are known and famous on history. A Saka living in an icy part of Siberia or a Kipchak living in Lithuania is a Turk. Saka’s language may seem strange to us, Lithuanian Kipchak may have forgotten his native language and speaks in Lithuanian language. But they are Turk because their blood are from Turks. This is why we feel close to them. But even if a person of foreign blood does not know any language other than Turkish, he is not a Turk\u2026There is no other way out to be a Turk than to have Turkish blood.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

            Ats\u0131z, who uses the phrase “who has Turkish blood” when describing Turks, states that even those who consider themselves \u201cTurk\u201d may not have that blood. So, how will it be understood whether people who consider themselves as Turk are actually Turk or not? Ats\u0131z also shows the way to understand this: \u201cThose who are like Turks are not Turks, even if they think that their father, a few generations later, is nothing but a Turk and they think they are Turks. Because being a Turk is not only a spiritual-moral, but also something material (physical, physiological, physiognomic and anthropological). From these statements of Ats\u0131z, we see that he gives priority to certain physical characteristics in order to be \u201ctrue Turk\u201d, and that he finds language only of secondary importance. However, Ats\u0131z defends a completely different view three pages ahead of the same book.<\/span><\/p>\n

            Articles were published in \u201csome newspapers and journals\u201d that the race to which the Turks belonged and the race to which the Mongols belonged were different. According to this claim, \u201cTurks are not of the Yellow Mongolian race, but of the white Aryan race\u201d. Ats\u0131z emphasizes language while objecting to this: \u201cToday, groups of people are no longer classified according to colors, but according to languages.\u201d In the lines after this sentence, he continues to write his racist-based ideas again (Ats\u0131z, 1992c: 140-147).<\/span><\/p>\n

            Ats\u0131z, who opposes the depiction of the Hittites and the Turks of Turkey as the ancestors of the Turks with a racist logic, gives the following interesting information: \u201cIt is doubtful that they are even brachycephalic. Because K\u00f6pr\u00fcl\u00fczade Fuad told me that the two Hatti heads dug out of the ground were destroyed by an anthropology specialist because they were not brachycephalic\u201d (Ats\u0131z, 1992b: 94).<\/span><\/p>\n

            Ats\u0131z sees all nations as enemies to be fought. The fact that tribes in Turkey such as Abkhaz, Albanian, Bosnian, Chechen, Circassian, Georgian, Kurdish, Laz, Lezgi and Pomak physically resemble Turks; not as a sign of kinship, but as a feature that increases the danger by saying, \u201cThe most dangerous of all snakes is the one with the same color as where it stands\u201d (Ats\u0131z, 1992c: 140-143).<\/span><\/p>\n

            Nejdet San\u00e7ar also says that race is indispensable in the definition of Turks:<\/span><\/p>\n

            \u201cThe Turkish nation, like some nations today, did not come into being with the blend of various races. The Turkish nation is the piece of work of a single lineage. That lineage is also the Turkish lineage\u2026 Turkism, as the national ideal of the supreme Turkish lineage, is a sublime idea with a definite goal and boundaries. Turanism and Turkish racism are the two basic principles of this sublime idea.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

            San\u00e7ar also addressed G\u00f6kalp’s claim of an independent \u201cTurkish race\u201d, which has existed since prehistoric times without any kinship with any race, and said, \u201cThe Great God created the Turks as a whole, as a nation.\u201d San\u00e7ar, who tried to prove that Atat\u00fcrk was a Turkist-Turanist by taking the narrations from Esat Mahmut Bozkurt and Afet Inan, saying, \u201cIt is one of the national characteristics of Atat\u00fcrk,\u201d praises the efforts to determine whether people are Turkish by measuring their skulls during his time. In another article, he says that the enemies of Turkism are trying to \u201cattribute Atat\u00fcrk’s work in the field of anthropology to Turkism by making up \u2018racism\u2019\u201d. (San\u00e7ar, 1976: 17, 36, 45, 49, 186-192). However, both his characterization of those anthropological measurements as “national characteristics” and Ats\u0131z’s use of the brachycephalic skull criterion given above show that the subject is not an attribution made by others.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

            Reha O\u011fuz T\u00fcrkkan also advocated racial superiority and used the slogan \u201cTurkish race above all races\u201d. In an article that started with \u201cTurkish Mothers, We are Hopeful For You\u201d; he admonished that \u201cTurkish babies should know that they are from the race of wolves, while they are still in the cradle, unable to speak or knowing anything, and that they are from other races, an eagle and a Turk…\u201d\u00a0 (T\u00fcrkkan, 1939).<\/span><\/p>\n

            Those in this group, who define \u2018Turk\u2019 with such classifications, even objected to each other’s Turkishness. Reha O\u011fuz T\u00fcrkkan, while parting ways with \u0130smet Rasin, who is a Turkist like himself, said that he was actually Albanian and said, \u201cI could not practice racism and Turkism with a person whose lineage does not conform to our principles\u201d (T\u00fcrkkan, 1943: 115). Other Turkists in the same ecole said that T\u00fcrkkan was not a Turk either. Ats\u0131z, who put a picture of T\u00fcrkkan in the middle of his article for those who do not know him, wanted to show that T\u00fcrkkan \u201cdoes not have the Turkish type\u201d via this picture.\u00a0 According to Ats\u0131z, T\u00fcrkkan is Armenian from his mother’s side, and that’s why Turkists call him \u201cArmenian blood\/Ermenikan\u201d. According to another racist R\u0131za Nur, T\u00fcrkkan is actually Kurdish and should be called \u201cReha K\u00fcrtkan\/Reha Kurdish blood\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

            The leaders of this view accepted that Islam had become the national religion of the Turks (Ats\u0131z, 1992d: 101; San\u00e7ar, 1976: 18-19). Although they did not comment much on matters of faith, the leader of the movement, Nihal Ats\u0131z, stated that he was a disbeliever and that he found Islam harmful for the Turks. According to him, Islam caused the Turks to fight each other. What he say in this issue:<\/span><\/p>\n

            \u201cIs it because they defend Islam alone against many nations, or is it because they believe unconditionally in the Qur’an, the meaning of which they do not understand? The Turks were the only nation that accepted Islam with bigotry. Just as there is a solidarity between Muslim and Christian Arabs, it has not been seen that Albanians, who became Muslims long after the Turks, had a religious war with their Christian cognates. Bosnians, that is, Muslim Serbs or Croats, also lived without religious conflicts with Orthodox Serbs and Catholic Croats.<\/span><\/p>\n

            As for the Turks, the situation has changed: This custom of the Karakhanids, who started to fight the Buddhist Uyghurs as soon as they became Muslims in the tenth century, has continued throughout history. Not only that, but the cause of Sunnism and Shiism prevented both the waste of national energy and the formation of political Turkish unity by making the Turks fight as two armies for centuries.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

            According to Ats\u0131z, the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) conveyed his thoughts in the form of religion in order to prevent the widespread immorality among Arabs. That is why such things should not be believed. He expresses his views as follows:<\/span><\/p>\n

            \u201cThe Qur’an is the instruction of Muhammad… The Prophet, seeing the moral depravity around him, sought solutions; there is no need to be a bigot and to believe in some fairy tales in order to see that he retreated to the mountains to take precautions and lived far away from people, and that he opposed the Arab idolatry by accepting the idea of “Monotheism”, which came to the Jews from ancient Egypt, with his mind and emotion and to accept the beliefs that came from ancient Sumer and Egypt and passed on to other nations through the Jews as divine truth\u201d (Ats\u0131z, 1992c: 493-511).<\/span><\/p>\n

            Because of such views, the members of this movement were described as \u201cDeficient Turkists\u201d by their friends who believed in Islam. Nejdet San\u00e7ar accused other Turkists, who call themselves deficient Turkists, of trickery. According to San\u00e7ar, their talk of religion is to get votes. Because religion is considered as coin of the realm in politics (San\u00e7ar, 1976: 48-49).<\/span><\/p>\n

            As a result, it is understood that the members of this movement were greatly influenced by racism and secularism, which are the paradigmal scales of \u201cnationalist\u201d ideologies in Western modernity.<\/span><\/p>\n

            \u00a0<\/p>\n

            5.1.3. Turkist-Turanist View Synthesized with Islam<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

            In the 1970s, there were debates among nationalists such as \u201cAre you Turkish or Are you Muslim?\u201d as Islamic values came to the fore with the participation of religious families in the nationalist community. Thereupon, in the 1980s, some academicians and philosophers developed a view known as the \u201cTurkish-Islamic Synthesis\u201d, possibly in order to prevent a disintegration.<\/span><\/p>\n

            Prof. Dr. S\u00fcleyman Yal\u00e7\u0131n (born: 1926), one of the initiators of this view, introduced that synthesis as \u201cTurkish tribes have been the representatives of a new and unique culture for centuries by adapting some pre-Islamic customs and traditions to Islamic life\u201d. Yal\u00e7\u0131n counted Modu Chanyu, Bilge Qaghan and Mustafa Kemal, some Muslim Turkish religious scholars, philosophers, poets, and composers as Turkish statesmen in that culture, and he worked on the thesis that \u201cthe same blood nobility, the same emotion and belief continue by maintaining their fight\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

            One of the biggest religious mistakes of Turkish-Islamic Synthesis is to distinguish between Turkish and non-Turkish even among religious scholars, which is present in Yal\u00e7\u0131n’s words above. As a matter of fact, subsequently in the article, he said, \u201cWe have a sense of belonging to the same nation as a Turk from Bukhara, Azerbaijan and Crimea, with our roots in our first homeland in Central Asia, with the physical characteristics of our ancestry from there, and with our language and belief understanding\u201d (Yal\u00e7\u0131n, 1988: 191-192). As you can see, the statements emphasize the \u201cphysical characters of the lineage from Central Asia\u201d and have racist logic that G\u00f6kalp has committed and that Ats\u0131z et al. have defended with persistence and enthusiasm.<\/span><\/p>\n

            \u0130brahim Kafeso\u011flu (1914-1984), one of the pioneers of this movement, says in his previous writings that Turks are closer to Greek thought than Semitic; he showed that the reason for this was the material, measure, logic and utilitarianism in the character of Greek thought, while the belief in prophecy and miracles was the basis of Semitic thought (Kafeso\u011flu, 1977: 327). After adopting the \u201cTurkish-Islamic Synthesis\u201d view, he argued that Turks, like S\u00fcleyman Yal\u00e7\u0131n, were different from other Muslim societies in terms of religion and belief:<\/span><\/p>\n

            \u201cIn the history of sciences, due to the success of understanding and explaining the Greek idea and philosophical works properly, thereby opening the way for positive science in the field of Islamic and world thought; F\u00e2r\u00e2b\u00ee (death 950), who is known as the \u2018Second Master\u2019 after Aristotle, is the first Islamic philosopher to establish a philosophical system that can be called original with his divinity, \u2018profusio\u2019, \u2018emanatio\u2019 and \u2018Faculte sanctifice\u2019 theories, his remarkable views in the fields of nature and politics and he was also a \u2018Turk\u2019… The groundbreaking Muhammad Farabi (Al-Pharabius in the West) started with Ibn Sin\u00e2 (Avicenna in the West, death 1037), who is also a Turkish culture physician and philosopher from Transoxiana… The most important issue pioneered by Farabi, who was followed for centuries in the West, is to reconcile religion and philosophy (reason and faith). Although this extraordinary intellectual move (A. Guillaume R. Walzer) slowed down due to Ghazali’s attacks on philosophy, (Kafeso\u011flu, 1985: 176-179).<\/span><\/p>\n

            Three names are highlighted with some features in these words of Kafeso\u011flu. These are Farabi who is a \u201cTurk\u201d, Avicenna who is from \u201cTurkish culture\u201d although he is not a Turk, and Ghazali, whose ethnic identity is not specified but neither Turk nor from this culture. The intellectual characteristics of these individuals, shown by Kafeso\u011flu, are that the first two, one of whom is Turkish and the other from \u201cTurkish culture\u201d, are the philosophers who understand and explain Greek philosophy best, and that they reconcile philosophy and religion (reason and faith); On the other hand, Ghazali, who is outside of Turkish culture, attacked philosophy and \u201cdecelerated this extraordinary intellectual move\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

            As a paradigm factor, Durkheim\u2019s view that every society has its own religion, some of the people in this movement, who seem to respect his opinion, show the Maturidi sect, which is a branch of Sunnism as \u201cTurkish Islam\u201d, some show the Yasawi sect and some show Alevism (Day\u0131, 2013a: 319-331). However, as with other Muslims, there are Sunnis, Shiites, Alevis and those from various sects among Turks.<\/span><\/p>\n

            \u00a0<\/p>\n

            5.2. Ataturkist-Kemalist View<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

            The term \u201cAtaturk nationalism\u201d used by those who define themselves as \u201cAtaturkist, Kemalist and Nationalist\u201d is expressed in both the \u201cFirst\u201d and the 2nd article of the 1982 Constitution. However, in the life of Mustafa Kemal (1881-1938), during the National Pact, there were four different understandings of \u201cnation\u201d: religion, then, secular with a significant G\u00f6kalp-influenced, then, secular but wide-ranging unification, and finally, race-based.<\/span><\/p>\n

            Understanding in the National Pact is the Islamic nation understanding that has been going on for a long time. After the National Pact, his first choice was nationalism systematized by Ziya G\u00f6kalp. G\u00f6kalp’s influence was stated above with the explanation of Falih R\u0131fk\u0131 Atay under the title of \u201cTurkist-Turanist View\u201d. After G\u00f6kalp’s death, Mustafa Kemal personally studied the \u2018theories of the nation in the West\u2019 by working with Afet Inan.<\/span><\/p>\n

            It is understood that he got the first definition of nation in that period from Ernest Renan. Because both of them introduced the nation with elements such as having a common past, wanting unity in the future, unity in joy and worry. The difference is that while Renan did not see religion as a sufficient basis for the formation of the nation, Mustafa Kemal said that religion had no positive effect on the formation of the Turkish nation, even loosening national ties and numbing the national enthusiasm (Renan, 1946: 116; \u0130nan, 1969: 21). This shows that Kemal Pasha was more influenced by secularism, which was the paradigm of the period, compared to Ernest Renan. However, in this definition, it refers to a unification-based nation by counting the different native language tribes in Anatolia by name. Apart from the fact that it does not accept the effect of religion in that combination, that view is suitable for explaining Turkey’s social structure. During this period, he said, \u201cThe people of Turkey, who founded the Turkish Republic, are called the \u2018Turkish nation\u2019\u201d. The thesis, quoted above, that Islam \u201cnumbing the national enthusiasm\u201d was covered in an article by G\u00f6kalp in the semi-official newspaper H\u00e2kimiyet-i Mill\u00eeye while he was a member of parliament in the 2nd Parliament. In that article, G\u00f6kalp showed the Islamic union as \u201cagainst the awakening of nationality and national consciences in the Islamic world\u201d (G\u00f6kalp, 1977b). G\u00f6kalp’s article belongs to year of 1923, and Mustafa Kemal’s words above belong to year of 1929. In fact, that view dates back to ancient times. L\u00e9on Cahun (1841-1900), one of the writers who were influenced by the first Turkists, claimed that Islam had a negative effect on the Turks (Timur, 1986: 113-114).<\/span><\/p>\n

            Kemal Pasha abandoned the Renan-influenced unionist understanding of nation after a while, and switched to a race-based view with the \u201cSun Language\u201d theory, which he named himself, based on Comparative Linguistics. The reason for this is a new theory born in the West. According to that theory, all languages in the world are derived from a single language. Kemal Pasha also claimed that the basic language was Turkish and tried to prove it. In fact, according to Ahmet Cevat Emre, a member of the Turkish Language Association at the time, Kemal Pasha, in his own words, said, \u201cThe Turkish race is our brachycephalic and chymotric (short skull, wavy hair) race\u2026 Raiders who came out of Turkestan for centuries\u2026 He also made a will to continue the race-based definition of the Turkish race, which also took the name Aryen (homo alpinus) (Emre, 1956: 91).<\/span><\/p>\n

            Thus, it is understood that Pasha abandoned the first three of his views on the nation and tried to impose it on the whole world in the first Turkish Language Congresses, and continued the Turkish assertive Sun Language theory, which spread civilization, which was the basis of race and language, which was the basis of almost all languages, until his death. The aim of the \u201cAnthropological Studies\u201d conducted by the Turkish Historical Society under the presidency of Prof. Dr. Afet Inan, with the \u201capproval and encouragement\u201d of the Pasha, was \u201cto determine the racial characteristics of the Turkish nation\u201d. Inan stated that in that study, which lasted from June 19, 1937 to December 31, 1937, they made anthropometric measurements, including head structure, on 64,000 people (\u0130nan, 1947: 66-79).<\/span><\/p>\n

            Sadri Maksudi Arsal, one of the first Turkists, also made introductions about Turks with anatomical criteria by quoting the French anthropologist Jean Deniker (Arsal, 1972: 37).<\/span><\/p>\n

            After the death of Pasha, who abandoned his first three views on the nation, the Sun Language Theory with anthropometric measurements was also out of Turkey\u2019s agenda. Even one of his colleagues, Falih R\u0131fk\u0131 Atay, said, \u201cI never believed in this theory\u201d (Atay, 1999: 158). Afterwards, it was \u201cTurkism\u201d systematized by G\u00f6kalp, which continued to be officially valid.<\/span><\/p>\n

            Successive reforms made during the period of Mustafa Kemal, the first president of Turkey who took the surname \u201cAtat\u00fcrk\u201d in 1934; As can be seen in the statement of \u0130smet \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc, the first prime minister of the period, given above under the headline of \u201cFrom Islamic Civilization and Nationality to Western Civilization and Nationality”, so that there is no difference with the Westerners. Western world view and lifestyle preference has already been a state policy that has progressed step by step since the Tulip Era. The same purpose was pursued in the regulations of the last periods of Sultan Mahmut II and the Tanzimat and Second Constitutional Era periods. However, in terms of the views and attitudes of the nationalist movements that this article deals with, some practices that were started in the Republican period and then abandoned are very important. For example, the Turkish adhan practice, which continued from 1932 to the Democrat Party government in 1950, is a nationalist intervention in religion, not a secular one. That practice, in Ziya G\u00f6kalp’s poem titled \u201cVatan\u201d, the most important ideologist of Turkism; It is inspired by the lines of \u201cAdhan is read in Turkish language in the mosque of a country \/ … The Qur\u2019an is read in Turkish language in the school of a country \/ O Turkish son, that is your homeland\u201d (G\u00f6kalp, 1976b: 11). This practice was of the nature of \u201creform in religion\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

            Ziya G\u00f6kalp\u2019s proposal that only custom is valid in worldly matters; Yusuf Ak\u00e7ura’s opinion that Islam needs to be changed in order to serve the unification of Turks; Hamdullah Suphi Tanr\u0131\u00f6ver’s talk of the necessity of a religious reform; A committee headed by Fuat K\u00f6pr\u00fcl\u00fc, one of the famous Turkists, worked towards reforms in worship, and Falih R\u0131fk\u0131 Atay, one of Mustafa Kemal’s closest friends, said, “Kemalism is actually a great and fundamental religious reform… Kemalism abolished all the provisions of the verse, except the prayers. If Atat\u00fcrk was alive, there would be no doubt that there would be a worship reform\u201d, which shows that the prevailing logic of the nationalists at that time was to change the universal Islam for Turkey (G\u00f6kalp, 1981: 24-25; Ak\u00e7ura,1987: 31-35; Tanr\u0131\u00f6ver, 2000a: 129-133; Day\u0131, 2013a: 223; Atay, 1999: 61-62).<\/span><\/p>\n

            In addition to these, there have been attempts by some influential people to declare Kemal Pasha as \u201cGodTurk\u201d and to establish a positivist religion called \u201cKamalism\u201d, which took place in the \u201cKemalist\u201d literature as a manifestation of the dream of completely destroying Islam (Day\u0131, 2013a: 228-236; Aykut, 1936: 3, 36-38, 79).<\/span><\/p>\n

            \u00a0<\/p>\n

            5.3. Anatolianist Views<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

            It is possible to divide the understanding of nation based on Anatolia into two groups, one is secular and the other is religious.<\/span><\/p>\n

            \u00a0<\/p>\n

            5.3.1. Secular Anatolianist View<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

            Those who adopt this view defend the thesis of a \u201cnation\u201d formed by the combination of the Oghuz and ancient Anatolian peoples in terms of ancestry and culture. Its main representatives are Cevat Fehmi Kabaa\u011fa\u00e7l\u0131 (1890-1973), Sabahattin Ey\u00fcbo\u011flu (1908-1973), Azra Erhat (1915-1982) and Niyazi \u00d6ktem (born 1944).<\/span><\/p>\n

            Members of this view do not care about religion and tribes in Central Asia, they pay more attention to the peoples and culture of Anatolia before the Turks. Cevat Fehmi Kabaa\u011fa\u00e7l\u0131 even expressed the names of the settlements as they were in the ancient period. Since he had been fishing for a while in Bodrum, which he loved so much, he used the pseudonym \u201cThe Fisherman of Halicarnassus\u201d in his writings, referring to the ancient name of that town.<\/span><\/p>\n

            Sabahattin Ey\u00fcbo\u011flu and Azra Erhat showed interest in ancient Anatolian and Greek works and made many translations from them.<\/span><\/p>\n

            Niyazi \u00d6ktem, like other members of this view, argues that the nomadic culture of the Oghuz people from Central Asia did not contribute much to the settled life in Anatolia. He especially finds it unnecessary for the Huns to be counted among the ancestors because they have no relations with Anatolia, and he asks, \u201cAttila’s army did not leave a single descent in Anatolia, why do we embrace Attila?\u201d He has another question about ethnicity: He stated that according to Western historians, 300,000-400,000 Oghuz came to Anatolia, and according to Turkish historians such as M\u00fckrimin Halil Y\u0131nan\u00e7 and Osman Turan, between 600,000 and 1,000,000; On the other hand, he says that there were 4-5 million people living in Anatolia at that time, and he asks, \u201cSince there was no massacre, where are they?\u201d He counts individuals such as Thales, Anaximenes, Anaximander, Herodotus, Homer, Pir Sultan Abdal, Haji Bektash Veli as the ancestors of today’s Anatolians and highlights the lineage blend (\u00d6ktem, 2007).<\/span><\/p>\n

            Although this view is correct in terms of the blend of lineages, it has remained alien to the evolution of Turkish society, as it does not take into account the Islamization in religion and Turkishization in the language in the historical process. For this reason, it did not attract much attention from the public and the state.<\/span><\/p>\n

            \u00a0<\/p>\n

            5.3.2. Religious Anatolianist View<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

            While the religious Anatolianist view attaches great importance to Islam, it defends the thesis of a \u201cTurkish nation\u201d consisting only of Muslim Oghuzes in Anatolia and excludes those in Central Asia, just like the secular Anatolianists. The main representatives of this view are Nurettin Top\u00e7u (1909-1975), Mehmet Kaplan (1915-1986) and Remzi O\u011fuz Ar\u0131k (1899-1954). Just like secular Anatolians, they treat the \u201cnation\u201d with a geographer’s approach. As a matter of fact, one of Remzi O\u011fuz Ar\u0131k’s works is titled \u201cFrom Geography to Homeland\/Co\u011frafyadan Vatana\u201d. Mehmet Kaplan also states that they took the \u201cgeography of Turkey as a positive basis\u201d for their understanding of nationalism, the victory of 1071 Battle of Manzikert as the beginning of the national history, and the culture developed by the Turks in Anatolia as a national culture (Kaplan, 1970: 37-39).<\/span><\/p>\n

            Although they highly esteem Islam, they also have an anthropometric approach. Nurettin Top\u00e7u, who is the leader of the movement, sees the greatness of the sultans, whom he praises as \u201cthe great founders of our state like the Lightnings and Conquerors\u201d, in their carrying an \u201cIslamic spirit\u201d (Top\u00e7u, 1978b: 31-33).\u00a0He accepts the beginning of the nation as \u201cthe settlement of Oghuz tribes, separated from the \u2018Turkish\u2019 race, as Muslims in Anatolia\u201d. He objects that Islamists see all Muslims as one nation based only on religious unity, as they do not see the influence of the land (homeland). G\u00f6kalp, on the other hand, gives extreme importance to language and objects to seeing all Turkish speaking tribes as one nation. He bases his objection on the examples that the British and Americans are separate nations despite speaking the same language, and that the Swiss are a nation, united by a legal bond, despite their different native languages. Top\u00e7u, who accepts that he is united with the ancient peoples of Anatolia, even with a few lines, says that because those peoples are farmers, their horizons of thought are wide and he sees this as a factor that deepens the Turkish intellectual life. Despite all this, he cannot help but resort to anthropometric criterias. He says that there are \u201cmaterial resemblances such as the shape of his head, the shape of his face, and the look of their eyes\u201d among the members of this nation. According to him, the \u201cpointed-faced, plier-like-nose, green-eyed individuals\u201d seen next to the dark-faced Turks in Anatolia are also different in terms of nationality: He says, \u201cThose who think that the deep will of the person who left me with their face and physiological characteristics does not leave me, cannot bear the responsibility of their past\u201d (Top\u00e7u, 1978a: 39-51). With these features, it is seen that the Anatolian-based religious Turkists cannot fully embrace the people by making physiological distinctions among Muslims.<\/span><\/p>\n

            The first of the Anatolian movements spoke of a secular culture and based the nation on the ancient Anatolian peoples, who are considered the foundations of Western philosophy, rather than the Muslim people; and the other, since it includes anthropometric criteria, it is understood that both cannot escape the paradigm of Western modernity.<\/span><\/p>\n

              \n
            1. THE RACIAL ORIGIN COMPLEX OF WESTERN MODERNITY IN THE CONCEPT OF ‘TURK’<\/strong><\/span><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

              The question of origin is a scientific mystery not only for nations but also for tribes. For example, even the tribe and origin of the Ottoman dynasty, which is one of the subjects that historians are most busy with, cannot be determined exactly. There is disagreement even among historians, three of whom are Turkists, such as Fuat K\u00f6pr\u00fcl\u00fc, Zeki Velid\u00ee Togan and Faruk S\u00fcmer. K\u00f6pr\u00fcl\u00fc argued that they were Kayi-Oghuz and Togan was Kayi-Mongol. S\u00fcmer saw that they were Kayi \u201cdoubtful but not impossible\u201d (Taneri, 1978: 96-97). The reason why S\u00fcmer found him suspicious is that the first historian to say that the Ottomans were from the Kayi tribe was Yazici-oglu Ali. S\u00fcmer thinks that it was determined that that person made some additions with the feelings of the tribe, and that with those feelings, he may have connected the Ottomans to the Kayi tribe, which was shown as the most honorable of the Oghuzs. He says that the use of the Kayi stamp by the Ottomans could be to increase their prestige (S\u00fcmer, 1999: 188).\u00a0 If the question of origin is so complex even for such an important dynasty, it is certain that it will not be possible for an ordinary dynasty.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

              The situation of Yakut, Kyrgyz, Uzbek, Kipchak, Tatar and Oghuz people, whom Ziya Gokalp describes as \u201cTurkish tribes\u201d, is also quite complex even in the Turkist scientific community (G\u00f6kalp, 1976a: 22).<\/span><\/p>\n

              Yakuts: This tribe, whose past is not known much, did not participate in the known historical life of the Turks (\u00d6ztuna, 1977: 30).\u00a0 Due to the shaman belief and language similarity, they are considered ‘Turk’.<\/span><\/p>\n

              Kyrghyzs: Barthold, one of the foreign Turcologists, is of the opinion that the Kyrghyzs are not Turks (Barthold, 1975: 44). One of the Turkists, \u0130brahim Kafeso\u011flu also states that the Kyrgyz people are not shown to be of Turkish origin in the old sources (Kafeso\u011flu, 1977; 119).<\/span><\/p>\n

              Uzbeks: Faruk S\u00fcmer shows today’s Uzbeks, East Turkistanis, Karakalpaks and Kazakhs as new tribes born from the Turkish-Mongolian blend (S\u00fcmer, 1999: 2, 161).<\/span><\/p>\n

              Kipchaks: Faruk S\u00fcmer says that although Kipchak, Karluk and Uyghurs were Turkish tribes in the past, they formed a new tribe by blending with them after the Mongol invasion (S\u00fcmer, 1999: 2, 161). \u0130brahim Kafeso\u011flu also mentions that some scientists do not see the Kipchaks as Turks (Kafeso\u011flu, 1977: 167).<\/span><\/p>\n

              Tatars: Barthold is of the opinion that the Tatars are probably not Turks (Barthold, 1975: 46). Faruk S\u00fcmer also stated that Tatars are not Turks and even Turks call Mongols Tatars (S\u00fcmer, 1999: 28).<\/span><\/p>\n

              Oghuz Turks: \u0130brahim Kafeso\u011flu is of the opinion that the name Oghuz is not an \u201cethnically\u201d name of a tribe, but a name taken later by several tribes acting together (Kafeso\u011flu, 1977: 130). Faruk S\u00fcmer says that the word \u2018Turk\u2019 was not a nation name before, but a tribe or dynasty that established a state like Hun or Uyghur (their states: First Turkic Khaganate). According to S\u00fcmer, there was no kinship between these Turks and Oghuzes, and they had fought fierce battles with each other (S\u00fcmer, 1999: 23-24). Indeed, these wars are frequently mentioned in the Orkhon inscriptions. Especially the following sentences in the Bilge Qaghan monument confirm the thesis of S\u00fcmer by showing the distinction between Turks and Oghuz for that time:<\/span><\/p>\n

              \u201cI went on an expedition to the Oghuzs. The first army was on a military expedition. The second army was at homeland. Three Oghuz armies raided. They came (at us) to subdue (us) by saying, \u2018The (Turkish) infantry is corrupted\u2019. Half their army went to loot our home, half their army came to fight. We were few, we were in bad shape\u2026 Because God gave strength, I speared and scattered the enemy there. Because God commanded, because I worked and earned, the Turkish people also won. If I had not led and worked so hard with my brother and had not been successful, the Turkish people would have died, they would have disappeared\u201d (Tekin, 2010: 63).<\/span><\/p>\n

              In addition, G\u00f6kalp says that the Kazakhs are not a specific mass in their own right, but are formed by the merger of fugitives from each province (G\u00f6kalp, 1974b: 15).<\/span><\/p>\n

              As a result, Yakuts, who \u201cnever participated in the known periods of Turkish history\u201d, just because of their linguistic similarity; On the other hand, the Kipchaks took the places conquered by the Seljuks in the Caucasus and Anatolia from their control with great massacres and gave them to Georgia (Albayrak, 2003: 104); Despite the fact that the Pechenegs from the Oghuz tribe of the Turks took the area from their control and gave it to Byzantium (\u00d6ztuna, 1977: 227), the Turks are accepted and adopted all of this.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

              There are also explanations that the Sumerians, Etruscans and Indians are Turkish in origin, while the Lithuanians, Mongols, Manchus and Donghus are related nations. On the other hand, Muslim tribes such as Abkhaz, Albanian, Bosnian, Chechen, Circassian, Georgian, Kurdish, Laz, Pomak and Zaza, who have sacrificed with their lives and blood in every page of Turkey’s history and every inch of its geography, are not even mentioned as relatives.\u00a0 However, they are in almost every family with the adjectives of \u201cmother, niece, bride, groom\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

              It is seen that the sense of \u201cbelonging\u201d, which is often emphasized for nationality, will not work unilaterally. As Amiran Kurtkan stated, the main thing is to have a sense of \u201cbelonging together\u201d (Kurtkan, 1976: 4). Although there has been a commonality in this sense throughout history, the basis for the disappearance of this sense has been created with the understanding of the Western type of \u2018nation\u2019.<\/span><\/p>\n

              \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

                \n
              1. FIRST OBJECTION TO THE ARTIFICIALLY BUILT CONCEPT OF ‘TURK’<\/strong><\/span><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

                The common feature of all the above-mentioned \u201cTurkish\u201d understandings is that they do not mention Muslim tribes such as Abkhaz, Albanian, Bosnian, Chechen, Circassian, Georgian, Kurdish, Laz, Pomak and Zaza within the Turkish nation, but marginalize them. In this respect, it is understood that the goal of these movements, which are common in not accepting the nation as it is, is nation-building, just like in Western modernity, that is, to create an imaginary homogeneous nation for the state. As a matter of fact, for the purpose of building a new nation, which was the Western paradigm of the period, the statement of Yusuf Ak\u00e7ura, one of the first Turkists, under the title of \u201cFrom Islamic Civilization and Nationality to Western Civilization and Nationality\u201d, \u201cto bring about a Turkish political nationality based on race\u201d is just an example.<\/span><\/p>\n

                Yahya Kemal Beyatl\u0131 is probably the first person to say that the concept of ‘Turk’ on the basis of one native language and race is wrong. Unfortunately, his warnings were ignored. The fact that he did not write a scholarly work dealing with the issue of nation in all its aspects may also play a role in this situation. He expressed his ideas on this subject in a few sentences in some of his books and in conversations transcribed by others.<\/span><\/p>\n

                Yahya Kemal, who said that there were mistakes in the Turkism movement \u201cfrom the very beginning\u201d, especially objected to the basis of race by saying:<\/span><\/p>\n

                \u201cEspecially, the fact that the theory of race is almost always wrong, always baseless, and always inflated has caused the local people in Anatolia, Rumelia and Istanbul to forget or even ignore their own past. For this reason, there is neither a proper history book nor a beautiful poem from the current of the Turkish family (Turkism)\u201d (Ba\u015fer, 2006: 65).<\/span><\/p>\n

                Yahya Kemal, like all -isms, described Pan-Turkism and Pan-Turanism as \u201cWestern originated and artificial\u201d. His objection to the “Turkish nation” in the Turkist imagination was not only on the basis of race but also on the basis of its content and single native language. The Turkish nation is a nation that has been embodied since the Middle Ages with the combination of Turkish, Kurdish, Circassian, Albanian and Bosnian units, who belong to one religion and one sect and who consider Turkish a common language\u201d (Beyatl\u0131, 1970: 65). Only two mistakes are noticeable in this sentence. One of these is the emphasis on \u201ca sect\u201d and the other is the use of the term \u2018Turk\u2019 as the name of one of the elements that make up that nation, although the term \u2018Turk\u2019 is used for the name of the nation, which is a combination of Muslim tribes with different languages (it would have been necessary to say \u201cTurkmen\u201d for that element). The first of these mistakes must have arisen from the fact that one of the Ottoman’s opponents was Iran, and the other from the effect of a widespread misuse by Turkist ideologues.\u00a0 Otherwise, he openly stated that the entire nation, in its current form, is called Turk, regardless of ethnicity and native language. Otherwise, he openly stated that the entire nation is called ‘Turk’ in its current form, regardless of ethnicity and native language. In order to fully clarify this issue, it is necessary to take a look at the situations before and after the subject of Islam.<\/span><\/p>\n

                \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

                  \n
                1. THE HISTORICAL-NATURAL CONCEPT OF \u2018TURK\u2019<\/strong><\/span><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

                  Epics are important in terms of introducing the understanding when they were formed. It is seen in the oldest known version of the Oghuz Khagan Epic that three children, each from a father and two different mothers, are only considered a beginning for the Oghuz tribe. The beginning of the formation of the tribes other than the Oghuz is that Oguz Khagan gave names to some people. These individuals are random soldiers who have had any success in the army. In addition, although they were not affiliated with Oguz Khagan at the beginning, they were included in the union voluntarily or by force, later on (Ergin, 1970).<\/span><\/p>\n

                  The version of the same epic in the Islamic period is also unrelated to the logic of unity of origin. In the \u201cHistory of the Oghuzs and Turks\u201d section of Rashid al-Din Hamadani’s (1245-1318) Persian work called \u201cC\u00e2mi’\u00fct Tev\u00e2rih\u201d, which is a world history, the transition to \u201cOne Allah\u201d belief is taken for the beginning of Turkish history. As reported by this historian; since his birth, Oguz Khagan as he grew up called his mother and all his acquaintances, from his father to the women he married, to faith and worship in Allah, and parted ways with those who did not follow these messages. Other remarkable points in the narratives are that after Oguz became Khagan, he did not accommodate those who did not accept this belief, even if they were his own descendants, and drove them out of the country. Another issue is that when he came to \u201cKurdistan\u201d, representatives from the people of Diyarbakir, Erbil, Mosul and Baghdad came to him and became a \u201cprovince\u201d (Togan, 1972). In this narrative, it is understood that the Kurds and different tribes united with the Oghuzes and became a nation on the basis of Islam.<\/span><\/p>\n

                  Of course, it is necessary to examine this issue with historical documents. As it is known, the term \u201cTurk\u201d, which may suggest that it could be the name of a nation, was first used in Orkhon inscriptions erected in the First Turkic Khaganate in 730 AD. However, it is not clear whether the Turkish name on those monuments is the name of a dynasty, a tribe, or a nation to cover the whole. Because, on the eastern front of the Kul Tigin monument, expressions such as \u201cWhen the blue sky above and the rain ground below were made, human beings were made between the two. My ancestors Bumin Qaghan and Ist\u00e4mi Qaghan sat on human beings. they held and arranged the Turkish province and customs by sitting\u201d (Tekin, 2010: 25) refer to moral-based socio-political regulations that are far from race. As a matter of fact, Prof. Dr. Faruk S\u00fcmer, who has a Turkist view, says that the term Turk was originally not a nation name, but a clan or dynasty name (S\u00fcmer, 1999: 23-24). Prof. Dr. \u0130brahim Kafeso\u011flu, who has a Turkist view, also, considering that the word \u2018Turk\u2019 was used as a state name for the first time by the First Turkic Khaganate; He says that this name is not an \u201cethnic\u201d name specific to a particular community, but begins as a political name, and that the term \u201cTurkish nation\u201d refers only to the masses under the rule of the Khan.\u00a0Kafeso\u011flu talks about two types of social structures called \u201cTribe\u201d and \u201cCulture\u201d for the first formation of Turkishness while emphasizing the lineage and language bond for tribe, he mentions that there is no such bond in the culture formed by mergers (Kafeso\u011flu, 1977: 27, 132, 204). The linguist Prof. Dr. Ahmet Caferoglu, who is also of the Turkist view, also considers the structures of \u201cTrib\u00fc\u201d<\/em> for the same periods, \u201cS\u00fcy\u00f6k\u201d and \u201cKlan\u201d, as well as their combination, and notes that the languages of these social groups that united and formed Turkishness are different. Cafero\u011flu says that even the Chepni and Turkish nomads in Anatolia, one of the largest branches of the Oghuzs, have their own separate languages (Cafero\u011flu, 1984: 61).<\/span><\/p>\n

                  As seen in the three examples above, it can be seen even between the lines of Turkist academicians that the concept of Turk is not based on ancestry and native language. However, the fact that the same people still use terms such as \u201cTurkish race, Turkish descent, Turkish origin\u201d and talk about \u201csingle native language\u201d (Kafeso\u011flu, 1977: 27-33; 1985: 176, 179, 190; S\u00fcmer, 1999: 25, 126, 161) must be due to an ideological compulsion.<\/em>\u00a0Because to say that the Turkish nation is not racially based and has multiple native languages contradicts the thesis of Ziya G\u00f6kalp, who systematized Turkism according to Western norms. According to G\u00f6kalp, the Turkish nation is an independent race, descended from a Turkish family that is not related to any race, and is whiter than the Aryans (G\u00f6kalp, 1974b: 25-27, 324; 1976a: 51). His view of language is as follows: \u201cTuran has a province, it has only one language, who says there is another language has a different goal\u201d (G\u00f6kalp, 1976b: 18). However, it is an undeniable fact that there are many native languages in every part of the geography that G\u00f6kalp calls \u201cTuran\u201d, and also in Turkey, of course.<\/span><\/p>\n

                  Even Abu al-Ghazi Bahadur, who, because he is of Mongolian origin, constructed a genealogy by showing Turks an imaginary person named Mongol Khan from their ‘ancestor’; He says that the term ‘Turk’ as the name of the nation is used to refer to the association of Oghuz people who came to Transoxiana for the first time and people from other tribes who came to the same region.\u00a0According to Khan, Tajiks used the term ‘Turk’ for the first time as the name of the nation (Eb\u00fclgazi, n.d.: 57-58). Barthold also emphasizes that it was used by the Arabs for the first time in the same period and in the same region, while attributing this name to a wider social base; He states that the recently known meaning of the word \u2018Turk\u2019 must be the work of Muslim tribes (Barthold, 1975: 41). Faruk S\u00fcmer also states that the word “Turk” did not have such a broad meaning “among Turkish-speaking cultures” in the early days, and that the Turks learned this broad meaning of the name Turk from the tribes of the Near East (S\u00fcmer, 1999: 2).<\/span><\/p>\n

                  As a result, it is understood that the term \u201cTurk\u201d, the content of which is unknown but quite old, started to be collected for the first time in Transoxiana as the name of the nation, and was given in the Middle East to the masses who would later establish the states of Seljuk, Aq Qoyunlu, Qara Qoyunlu, Ayyubid, Ottoman and Republic of Turkey. The social unity that was formed at that time consisted mainly of Oghuzes (Turkmen), Caucasian tribes and Kurds. Later, when they moved to Rumelia, Albanians, Bosnians and Pomaks were added to the same structure. All Turkish conquests and states in the area extending from the vicinity of the Caspian Sea to the interior of Europe, including today’s Republic of Turkey, are the work of this combination. Especially when the mergers in Transoxiana are taken into account, it is understood that the nation first started to form and then the state was established. The concept of Turk, as the name of a nation, embraced the tribes in Central Asia with the principles of common language and common religion (Islam).<\/span><\/p>\n

                  Bernard Lewis also described the unification in Islam with a common language despite different languages:<\/span><\/p>\n

                  \u201cArabic, Persian, and Turkish defined the cultural identity of the major regions of Middle Eastern Islam and provided a significant moral and cultural unity to their educated classes. While the general population spoke many local languages and dialects, the intellectuals had a common literary language, a common classical tradition, and through these, common customs, codes of conduct and respect\u201d (Lewis, n.d.: 142).<\/span><\/p>\n

                  Of course, the common classical tradition, customs, code of conduct and respect were also spread to the common people through the intellectuals. Since the people were already living together, they were automatically integrated with the customs and traditions they formed by being influenced by each other, and having blood ties through marriages. The name of this integration is nationalization. It was stated above under the heading \u201cThe Concept of Nation in Islamic Civilization\u201d that the Arabic, Persian and Turkish languages cited by Lewis were also called “three languages” in the old texts because of these characteristics.<\/span><\/p>\n

                  During the period from the Great Seljuks to the rule of the Turkist Union and Progress in the Ottoman Empire, the tribal identities of the Muslims were not seen as a separation. Persons belonging to different tribes, just as in the examples of Bilal ibn Rabah and Salman the Persian in the time of the Prophet (pbuh); In the Ottoman Empire, they were mentioned with their tribal identities, as in the examples of Abaza Mehmed Pasha, Bosnian Ahmet Pasha, \u00c7erkes Mehmed Pasha, G\u00fcrc\u00fc Halil Rifat Pasha, Professor Tacuddin Kurdi. This situation enabled each of the Muslim tribes in the social structure to adopt the state and live together as a single nation.\u00a0As can be seen in the example of Sharafkhan below, they also had the consciousness of being a \u201cTurk\u201d with the understanding of that time.<\/span><\/p>\n

                  \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

                    \n
                  1. THOSE WHO ARE MARGINALIZED BY ARTIFICIAL CONCEPT OF \u2018TURK\u2019<\/strong><\/span><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

                    It has been explained above that the term \u201cTurk\u201d was used for the first time as a nation name for the unity of Muslim tribes in the Transoxiana region with different ethnic origins and different languages, but using Turkish as a common language. A brief look at the roles of these tribes in Turkish history will reveal what a great trust and solidarity arose between them and the Oghuz (Turkmen) they united with. It should be useful to draw a little more attention to the Kurds in history, since the terrorist organization, which is waging an armed struggle in Turkey today in a \u201cseparatist\u201d direction, emerged from within the Kurds.<\/span><\/p>\n

                    The unity of the Kurds and the Oghuzs dates back to the foundation years of the Great Seljuk Empire. According to the information given by Minorsky, Kurd Ahmet bin al-Zahhak killed a Byzantine general walking towards the region in 1031 and he stopped the advance. After the establishment of the state under the rule of Tughril in 1040, there were also massive participations. Minorsky describes Kurdish participation by counting tribal names; It is reported that a group of Kurds participated in Sultan Malik-Shah’s Syria campaign, Malik-Shah allocated a region to the Kurds because of their loyalty to the state, and Sancar, one of the later sultans, called that region \u201cKurdistan\u201d (Minorsky, 1988).<\/span><\/p>\n

                    Orhan T\u00fcrkdo\u011fan also emphasizes that there was a significant number of Kurds in the army of Sultan Alp Arslan during his campaign to Merv and Harzem in the winter of 1065-1066. At that time, even most of the Oghuzs, who were the own tribe of the Seljuk rulers, were not subject to the state. T\u00fcrkdo\u011fan says that those who settled down from the Oghuzes were subject to the state, while those who were nomadic were rebels and adhered to their own yabghu (T\u00fcrkdo\u011fan, n.d.: 443). According to the information Zeki Velidi Togan mostly cites from one of the Seljuk historians, Imad al-Katib, one of the Kurdish chiefs, Vahsudan bin Mohammed, was affiliated with Tughril Bey, the founder of the Seljuk State. One of his grandchildren, Emir Ahmedil, was in the court of Sultan Mohammed, the son of Sultan Malik-Shah. After Ahmedil was killed by the Batiniyyas in 1116, his son Aksungur became the governor of Meraga. Aksungur, who served in some high positions in the state, was successful in suppressing the rebellions and ensuring the unity of the state. In fact, he and some Kurdish emirs carried out the administration of a large part of the state in the capacity of Atabeg in times of crisis. Just like his father, he was killed by the Batiniyyas in 1133. Then his son Nusrat al-Din Arslan Aba Has Bey served Sultan Mesud (Togan, 1940).\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

                    In the Oguznama of Rashid al-Din Hamadani’s history, which was written in the 13th-14th century, it is stated that the Kurdish chiefs came and became a province by being attached to Oghuz Khagan. Sharafkhan Bidlisi (Kurd), who became the Emir of Bitlis in the 16th century, also showed the Kurds in the entourage of Oghuz Khagan in his work called Sharafnama. He even said that Oguz Khagan sent a delegation to the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh), and that delegation was led by a Kurdish chief named Bugduz (\u015eeref Han, 1990: 24). According to the Seljuknama written in the 16th century, ten thousand Kurdish soldiers participated in the Manzikert campaign (Ahmed bin Mahmud, 1977: 94).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

                    Also, in Sel\u00e7ukname, it is explained that Ahsartan, one of the Caucasian lords, came and joined to Alp Arslan and became a Muslim (Ahmed bin Mahmud, 1977: 76-77). Circassians in the Caucasus were an elite society that trained and educated the Golden Horde (Turkish) princes (Bala, 1988). Arabs called Mamluk Circassians and Ayyubid Kurds \u201cOghuz\u201d (S\u00fcmer, 1999: 160, 403). Circassian Mamluks in Egypt, although their language is Circassian and their social base is Arab, gave importance to Turkish, wrote Turkish poems, and respected Turkish scholars (Lewis, n.d.: 79, 83). The French writer Claude Farr\u00e9re mentioned the Ottoman soldier who fought in Siege of Plevna by consuming four horses in one day, as a Turk of Circassian race (Grigoriantz, n.d.: 114).\u00a0Georgian Ferah Ali Pasha made many of the Chechen, Circassian, Nogai etc. Caucasian tribes become Muslims and adhered to the Ottomans by making himself popular with his piety, and fought with them against the Russians (Ahmed Cevdet Pa\u015fa, 1972: C. 3. 239-324).\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

                    Albanians, Bosnians and Pomaks, who joined the Ottoman Empire during the transition to Rumelia, also provided very important services as statesmen, scientists and soldiers.\u00a0Muslim Albanians have accepted being Turkish and Muslim as synonymous enough to swear, \u201cIf I lie, I will not be fortunate to be a Turk\u201d (Yal\u00e7\u0131nkaya, 26.05.2009).\u00a0The Bosnians, who served as front-line guards for centuries during the Ottoman period, defined themselves as \u201cTurchin\u201d (Turk) until the 1990s (Babuna, 2000: 93).\u00a0Ahmad Pasha al-Jazzar, who defended the Acre fortress in Egypt against Napoleon, was also Bosnian, as were many Akinji lords and troops (Ahmed Cevdet Pa\u015fa, 1972: C. 1. 410).\u00a0The Pomaks, who did not accept the withdrawal of the Ottoman soldiers from their regions as a result of the Treaty of San Stefano with the Russians, continued to fight against the Russians and gave many martyrs (Dede, 1978: 15-43).<\/span><\/p>\n

                    From the letters and telegrams of Ahmed Muhtar Pasha and the Commander of the Eleskirt Party\u00a0Tatl\u0131o\u011flu Ferik Mehmet, it is understood that the Chechen, Circassian, Kumyk, Kurdish and Lezgins tribes in Anatolia formed troops and fought under the command of the state (Gazi Ahmet Muhtar Pa\u015fa, 1985: C. 1: 159; C. 2: 43).\u00a0The resistance of the Laz against the enemy in the World War I on Of and \u00c7aykara, is also epic (Albayrak, 2004: 55).<\/span><\/p>\n

                    Early Ottoman historians such as Oru\u00e7 Bey, A\u015f\u0131kpa\u015fazade and \u0130bn Kemal used the terms Ottoman-Turkish-Muslim synonymously. The concept of \u2018Turk\u2019 has been used in the same sense by the Westerners. For example, for centuries, both Arabs and Europeans called the masses \u201cOttoman\u201d as \u201cTurks\u201d. An English author unintentionally translated all the \u201cOttoman\u201d words in an article by Nam\u0131k Kemal (1840-1888) into English as \u201cTurk\u201d (Berkes, 1965: 168).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

                    World-famous Turkish historian Kemal Karpat also explains that during the Ottoman period, Muslim people of different ethnic origins and different mother tongues in Anatolia and Rumelia united in the Turkish identity by using Turkish as a common language and he draws attention to the fact that nationalization is not embodied by race, but by culture, history, political experience and living together in the Ottoman geography (Karpat, 2010: 15).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

                    All these shows how strong it is that Muslim tribes of different ethnic origins and different native languages in Anatolia and Rumelia united and became a nation under the name \u201cTurk\u201d. Even the Mongol attacks, the Crusades, the World War I and the occupation of the country could not break this unity.\u00a0As a result, it is understood that the Western Turks, some of which are made up of the social groups mentioned above, are more strongly nationalized than the Eastern Turks, which are composed of groups such as Kazakh, Kyrgyz, Uzbek, and Uyghur. In Turkey, especially official sociology and official history; Various understandings of Turkishness prepared according to the norms of Western modernity and the new nation building attempt designed according to them have marginalized the Muslim tribes, many of whom are mentioned above. Despite this, a strong sense of unity still exists among the people. \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

                    \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

                      \n
                    1. CONCLUSION<\/strong><\/span><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

                      Mass migrations that have dispersed and re-blended societies all over the world, lasting for centuries and being permanent, already invalidate the racist view of the unity of origin. Masses of different ethnicities blended with each other were integrated with each other long before the transition to \u201cmodern\u201d periods. That integration includes religion as well as all kinds of social ties.\u00a0The secular nation theories produced in Western modernity have artificially disrupted that natural integration in almost all aspects.<\/span><\/p>\n

                      Paul Kennedy shows secularism as a means of national unification against religious disintegration. A page after defending this thesis, he states that there were many wars in the secular nation-building process in Europe and that the British hate the Spanish, the Swedes hate the Danes, the Dutch hate the Habsburgs (Kennedy, 1990: 83-84). Even that explanation alone reveals that the understanding of the nation in terms of ethnicity breeds more hostilities. As a matter of fact, later on, the desire for separation of different ethnic groups within many \u201cnation-states\u201d, namely \u201cnations\u201d according to the modern understanding, began. In this regard, Kennedy must be right in terms of the fact that Western nations are on a secular basis.<\/span><\/p>\n

                      As Hugh Seton-Watson, quoted above under the title of \u201cThe Concept of Nation in Western Modernity\u201d, said, the nation cannot be defined. The reason for this is the approach that Scientificity should be \u2018generally accepted\u2019. However, each nation has different structural characteristics. For the definition of nation, this situation does not change, even if only the secular categories of the historical existence area are addressed. In other words, it is necessary to identify special categories for each nation (Meng\u00fc\u015fo\u011flu, 2000: 197-210).<\/span><\/p>\n

                      Especially since the formation of the Turkish nation, as explained under the title of \u201cTheoretical Inconsistencies of Western Modernity in the Concept of \u2018Turk\u2019\u201d, the historical existence area developed with a complete expedition experienced with changes in both material and spiritual aspects, it can never be fit into the generally accepted assertive definitions.\u00a0Even examining a few of the many categories in that field does not fit the race-based nation.<\/span><\/p>\n

                      Time category: When the structuring called ‘nation’ is looked at from the point of view of history, the togetherness in the past is evaluated; within this respect, any kind of draw in the distant or recent past has almost the same importance. For example, an ancient union with a Kazakh or Kyrgyz has the same meaning of a recent union with a Circassian, Kurdish, etc. However, Kazakh and Kyrgyz are given more importance with the search for \u201clanguage and origin\u201d of Western modernity. However, when the time category in the field of historical existence is evaluated together with its past, present and future, it is concluded that the opposite situation is more important, that is, togetherness with Circassians, Kurds, etc.<\/span><\/p>\n

                      Mutual Influence Category: Tribes with different ethnic origins and different languages have formed a common culture by being influenced by each other due to the fact that they have lived together for centuries.<\/span><\/p>\n

                      Space Category: The same geography was conquered by the mentioned tribes and a \u201chomeland\u201d was established together. These peoples, being intertwined through intense marriages, have to live together in the same homeland, now and tomorrow.<\/span><\/p>\n

                      As it is seen, the categories in line with the secular\/laicistic logic of modernity are insufficient to explain the Turkish nationalization described above. Moreover, as explained throughout this article, the most important factor in this nationalization is Islam. As even the most secular thinkers cannot object, the most important value in the whole world throughout the Middle Ages has been religion. Moreover, the consciousness of the nation is much older in the Islamic society than in the West, has an Islamic content, as explained in this article under the title of \u201cThe Concept of Nation in Islamic Civilization\u201d, and Turkish is one of the three languages used as a common language in the Islamic world.<\/span><\/p>\n

                      After all, as Cemil Meri\u00e7 said: \u201cIt was Islam that brought all the races of this country into one race, one human, one heart\u201d (Meri\u00e7, 1992: 179). In that case, the field of existence of the Western nations in terms of religion is secularism, and the realm of existence of the Turkish nation is Islam (Day\u0131, 2013b: 432-433). That value is still strong in the eyes of the people. In a survey conducted by the A&G research company in 2010, the answer to the question ‘what keeps you together’ is also \u2018religion\u2019 (D\u00fczel, 26.01.2010). This means that Yahya Kemal Beyatl\u0131 seems right in his words expressing his objection to artificial \u2018Turk\u2019 constructivism, saying that the Turkish state cannot live in full health unless it is reshaped with the essence of the original Muslim layer (Beyatl\u0131, 1970: 57).<\/span><\/p>\n

                      The secular understanding of the nation based on language and ancestry, which was inculcated by the West and eventually accepted, made the intellectuals at least forget about this area of existence of the Turk.\u00a0Cemil Meri\u00e7 explains this situation as follows:\u00a0\u201cEurope has been following the same aim since the Tanzimat: Killing the sacred of Turkish intellectuals. Sacred, that is, Islam… Turning its eternal enemy into an \u2018ethnic\u2019 dust heap\u201d (Meri\u00e7, 1992: 174). Earlier in this article, it was reported from their own writings that Turkist leaders also learned Turkish identity from the Westerners.\u00a0After all, as Etienne Copeaux said, \u201cTurkish historiography and linguistics are the children of Western orientalism and they are products of it\u201d (Copeaux, 2000: 25).<\/span><\/p>\n

                      Descartes says that excessive interest in distant geographies and ancient histories will leave people ignorant of their own era and homeland (Descartes, 1994: 11). The race and native language-based nation paradigm seen in the nation definitions of Western modernity has unfortunately alienated the Turkish intellectuals from Anatolia and Rumelia by concentrating them centuries ago in Central Asia.<\/span><\/p>\n

                      In this case, it should be appropriate for the state to abandon the creation of its own dream nation and accept the existing nation with all its differences, that is, to switch from the understanding of the nation of the state to the understanding of the state of the nation.\u00a0What is worth wishing for on that path is the restoration of the original meaning of the concept of ‘Turk’ in history. This may be difficult to accept. But at least, it seems easy to understand that it is a single nation with the extensions of different ethnic origins and different native language tribes outside the borders of the country. Because apart from the history to be told correctly, it is enough for everyone to be in front of their current friends, neighbors and especially relatives.<\/span><\/p>\n

                      \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

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                      Within this study, understandings of nation in...<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":48,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[278],"tags":[1813,1811,1294,1809,1812,1814,1810],"manset":[],"class_list":["post-4605","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-turkey","tag-citizenship","tag-common-language","tag-nation","tag-nation-of-state","tag-native-language","tag-race","tag-state-of-nation"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nAssam<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmada, \u0130slam medeniyeti ile \u201cmodern-sek\u00fcler\u201d Bat\u0131 medeniyetindeki millet anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131, hem birbirleriyle hem de sosyo-politik yap\u0131larla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Bu kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmalar, T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in uygun olan\u0131 bilmek a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan faydal\u0131 olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Frans\u0131z \u0130htilali\u2019nin tesiriyle \u201cmillet\u201d, Avrupa\u2019da yeni bir sosyo-politik g\u00fc\u00e7 oldu. Milleti tan\u0131mlamak i\u00e7in yap\u0131lan \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalarda ise sosyolojik g\u00f6zlemlere de\u011fil, filozoflar\u0131n fikirlerine ba\u015fvuruldu. Irk, anadil ve vatanda\u015fl\u0131k gibi birbiriyle alakas\u0131z temellere dayal\u0131 olarak \u00fcretilen \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 tan\u0131mlar\u0131n hi\u00e7birinde mutabakat sa\u011flanamad\u0131. Bu arada her bir devlet, tarih\u00ee entegrasyonlar\u0131 kabullenmek yerine, yap\u0131lan tan\u0131mlardan birini se\u00e7erek kendi milletini in\u015fa etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Demek ki her ne kadar \u201culus-devlet\u201d diye tan\u0131nsalar da devletlerin hi\u00e7biri, kesin olarak tan\u0131mlanabilen bir millete ait olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, bir devletin milletini suni olarak in\u015fa etmesi de m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildi. Bu arada bir\u00e7ok devlet par\u00e7aland\u0131, yeni kurulanlar ise ayn\u0131 tehlikeyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131. Di\u011fer yandan \u0130slam medeniyetinde millet kavram\u0131, ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7tan beri vard\u0131r ve manas\u0131 kesindir. Kur\u2019an-\u0131 Kerim\u2019de bulunan bir terim olarak millet, bir dine ve o dinin m\u00fcminlerine denir. \u0130lk d\u00f6nemlerde \u201c\u0130slam Milleti\u201dnin ortak dili sadece Arap\u00e7ayd\u0131. Zamanla Fars\u00e7a ve T\u00fcrk\u00e7e de de\u011fi\u015fik b\u00f6lgelerde ortak dil oldu. B\u00f6ylece \u201cT\u00fcrk\u201d terimi, T\u00fcrk\u00e7eyi ortak dil olarak kullanan farkl\u0131 etnik k\u00f6kenli ve farkl\u0131 anadilli M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n ismi oldu. Sonradan Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n modern-sek\u00fcler tariflerinin al\u0131nmas\u0131yla T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de de \u201cT\u00fcrk milleti\u201d tan\u0131mlar\u0131 belirsizle\u015ferek tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 bir h\u00e2l ald\u0131 ve T\u00fcrk milletinin b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de par\u00e7alanma tehlikesine d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/millet-teorilerinin-tutarsizligi-ve-turk-kavraminin-gercek-muhtevasi-en\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"The Inconsistency of Theories on Nation and the Real Content of the Concept of Turk - Assam\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmada, \u0130slam medeniyeti ile \u201cmodern-sek\u00fcler\u201d Bat\u0131 medeniyetindeki millet anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131, hem birbirleriyle hem de sosyo-politik yap\u0131larla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Bu kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmalar, T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in uygun olan\u0131 bilmek a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan faydal\u0131 olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Frans\u0131z \u0130htilali\u2019nin tesiriyle \u201cmillet\u201d, Avrupa\u2019da yeni bir sosyo-politik g\u00fc\u00e7 oldu. Milleti tan\u0131mlamak i\u00e7in yap\u0131lan \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalarda ise sosyolojik g\u00f6zlemlere de\u011fil, filozoflar\u0131n fikirlerine ba\u015fvuruldu. Irk, anadil ve vatanda\u015fl\u0131k gibi birbiriyle alakas\u0131z temellere dayal\u0131 olarak \u00fcretilen \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 tan\u0131mlar\u0131n hi\u00e7birinde mutabakat sa\u011flanamad\u0131. Bu arada her bir devlet, tarih\u00ee entegrasyonlar\u0131 kabullenmek yerine, yap\u0131lan tan\u0131mlardan birini se\u00e7erek kendi milletini in\u015fa etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Demek ki her ne kadar \u201culus-devlet\u201d diye tan\u0131nsalar da devletlerin hi\u00e7biri, kesin olarak tan\u0131mlanabilen bir millete ait olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, bir devletin milletini suni olarak in\u015fa etmesi de m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildi. Bu arada bir\u00e7ok devlet par\u00e7aland\u0131, yeni kurulanlar ise ayn\u0131 tehlikeyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131. Di\u011fer yandan \u0130slam medeniyetinde millet kavram\u0131, ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7tan beri vard\u0131r ve manas\u0131 kesindir. Kur\u2019an-\u0131 Kerim\u2019de bulunan bir terim olarak millet, bir dine ve o dinin m\u00fcminlerine denir. \u0130lk d\u00f6nemlerde \u201c\u0130slam Milleti\u201dnin ortak dili sadece Arap\u00e7ayd\u0131. Zamanla Fars\u00e7a ve T\u00fcrk\u00e7e de de\u011fi\u015fik b\u00f6lgelerde ortak dil oldu. B\u00f6ylece \u201cT\u00fcrk\u201d terimi, T\u00fcrk\u00e7eyi ortak dil olarak kullanan farkl\u0131 etnik k\u00f6kenli ve farkl\u0131 anadilli M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n ismi oldu. Sonradan Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n modern-sek\u00fcler tariflerinin al\u0131nmas\u0131yla T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de de \u201cT\u00fcrk milleti\u201d tan\u0131mlar\u0131 belirsizle\u015ferek tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 bir h\u00e2l ald\u0131 ve T\u00fcrk milletinin b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de par\u00e7alanma tehlikesine d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/millet-teorilerinin-tutarsizligi-ve-turk-kavraminin-gercek-muhtevasi-en\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Assam\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2014-08-11T18:00:00+00:00\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"H\u00fcseyin DAYI\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"H\u00fcseyin DAYI\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"88 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/millet-teorilerinin-tutarsizligi-ve-turk-kavraminin-gercek-muhtevasi-en\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/millet-teorilerinin-tutarsizligi-ve-turk-kavraminin-gercek-muhtevasi-en\/\",\"name\":\"The Inconsistency of Theories on Nation and the Real Content of the Concept of Turk - Assam\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/#website\"},\"datePublished\":\"2014-08-11T18:00:00+00:00\",\"author\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/#\/schema\/person\/f942f2b92e38a1b868cd5594076509e7\"},\"description\":\"Bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmada, \u0130slam medeniyeti ile \u201cmodern-sek\u00fcler\u201d Bat\u0131 medeniyetindeki millet anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131, hem birbirleriyle hem de sosyo-politik yap\u0131larla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Bu kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmalar, T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in uygun olan\u0131 bilmek a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan faydal\u0131 olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Frans\u0131z \u0130htilali\u2019nin tesiriyle \u201cmillet\u201d, Avrupa\u2019da yeni bir sosyo-politik g\u00fc\u00e7 oldu. Milleti tan\u0131mlamak i\u00e7in yap\u0131lan \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalarda ise sosyolojik g\u00f6zlemlere de\u011fil, filozoflar\u0131n fikirlerine ba\u015fvuruldu. Irk, anadil ve vatanda\u015fl\u0131k gibi birbiriyle alakas\u0131z temellere dayal\u0131 olarak \u00fcretilen \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 tan\u0131mlar\u0131n hi\u00e7birinde mutabakat sa\u011flanamad\u0131. Bu arada her bir devlet, tarih\u00ee entegrasyonlar\u0131 kabullenmek yerine, yap\u0131lan tan\u0131mlardan birini se\u00e7erek kendi milletini in\u015fa etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Demek ki her ne kadar \u201culus-devlet\u201d diye tan\u0131nsalar da devletlerin hi\u00e7biri, kesin olarak tan\u0131mlanabilen bir millete ait olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, bir devletin milletini suni olarak in\u015fa etmesi de m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildi. Bu arada bir\u00e7ok devlet par\u00e7aland\u0131, yeni kurulanlar ise ayn\u0131 tehlikeyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131. Di\u011fer yandan \u0130slam medeniyetinde millet kavram\u0131, ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7tan beri vard\u0131r ve manas\u0131 kesindir. Kur\u2019an-\u0131 Kerim\u2019de bulunan bir terim olarak millet, bir dine ve o dinin m\u00fcminlerine denir. \u0130lk d\u00f6nemlerde \u201c\u0130slam Milleti\u201dnin ortak dili sadece Arap\u00e7ayd\u0131. Zamanla Fars\u00e7a ve T\u00fcrk\u00e7e de de\u011fi\u015fik b\u00f6lgelerde ortak dil oldu. 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S\u0131ras\u0131yla memuriyet, ticaret ve gazetecilikle me\u015fgul oldu. Genellikle din\u00ee inan\u00e7lar ile\u00a0felsef\u00ee\u00a0teorileri\u00a0ve sosyal hayata etkilerini inceledi. O maksatla \u00f6zellikle din, felsefe, tarih, antropoloji, sosyoloji ve sosyal psikoloji alanlar\u0131nda \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc okuyup d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeye y\u00f6neldi. Ulusal ve uluslararas\u0131 bilim kongrelerinde tebli\u011fler sundu, hakemli dergilerde makaleleri yay\u0131nland\u0131. Ba\u015fta T\u00fcrk milleti hakk\u0131ndakiler olmak \u00fczere, Bat\u0131\u2019da \u00fcretilmi\u015f millet teorileri ile milliyet\u00e7iliklerin yanl\u0131\u015f ve zararl\u0131 oldu\u011fu \u015feklindeki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini dile getirdi. T\u00fcrk teriminin, T\u00fcrk\u00e7eyi ortak dil olarak kullanan farkl\u0131 etnik k\u00f6kenden M\u00fcsl\u00fcman kavimlerin birle\u015fiminin ismi oldu\u011fu \u015feklindeki tespitini anlatt\u0131. \u00c7evrecilik, insan-hayvan-bitki haklar\u0131, sava\u015f aleyhtarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve demokrasinin en sa\u011flam temellerinin \u0130slamiyet\u2019te oldu\u011funu savundu. D\u00fcnya G\u00fcndemi, Star, Yeni \u015eafak, \u00d6nce Vatan ve Zaman gazetelerinde makaleleri; Yeni Asya ve Yeni \u015eafak gazetelerinde kendisiyle yap\u0131lan r\u00f6portajlar yay\u0131nland\u0131. Siyaset ve sosyal bilimler alan\u0131na \u201c\u00d6tekile\u015ftirmek\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131 kazand\u0131rd\u0131. \u201cDevletin milleti- milletin devleti\u201d \u015feklindeki tasnifi de ilgi g\u00f6rmektedir. Orta derecede \u0130ngilizce bilen yazar, evli olup bir evlat babas\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130lk yay\u0131nlanma tarihi s\u0131ras\u0131na g\u00f6re kitaplar\u0131 \u015funlard\u0131r: 1- Bat\u0131\u2019dan \u0130thal Milliyet\u00e7ilik ve \u00d6tekile\u015ftirdikleri (T\u00fcrkler ve \u201c\u00d6teki\u201dler, Okumu\u015f Adam Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2006; T\u00fcrkler ve \u00d6tekile\u015ftirdiklerimiz, T\u0130MA\u015e Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2008, Akis Kitap Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2012). 2- Bat\u0131\u2019dan \u0130thal Milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin Dinle Kavgas\u0131 (Bilgeo\u011fuz Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2010; Akis Kitap Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2012). 3- \u0130slam Medeniyetinin K\u00fcreselli\u011fi -Ba\u015fka Alternatif Yok-\u00a0(Akis Kitap Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2012). \u00a0 H\u00fcseyin\u00a0DAYI He was born in Erzurum in 1952. From his early youth, he took part in various associations established for cultural purposes. He completed his university education in two different branches, Economics and philosophy. He was engaged in civil service, trade and journalism, respectively. He generally studied religious beliefs and philosophical theories and their effects on social life. For this purpose, he tended to read and think in many ways, especially in the fields of religion, philosophy, history, anthropology, sociology and social psychology. He presented papers at national and international scientific congresses, and his articles were published in refereed journals. He expressed his views that nation theories and nationalisms produced in the West, especially those about the Turkish nation, are wrong and harmful. He explained his determination that the term \u201cTurk\u201d is the name of a combination of Muslim tribes of different ethnic origins who use Turkish as a common language. He argued that the most important foundations of environmentalism, human-animal-plant rights, anti-war and democracy are within Islam. His articles were published in the newspapers D\u00fcnya G\u00fcndem, Star, Yeni \u015eafak, First Vatan and Zaman, and interviews with him were published in the newspapers Yeni Asya and Yeni \u015eafak. He introduced the concept of \u201cmarginalizing\u201d to the field of politics and social sciences. His classification as \u201cthe nation of the state - the state of the nation\u201d also attracts attention. The author, who speaks intermediate level English, is married and has a son. The books, in order by date of first publication, are: 1- Bat\u0131\u2019dan \u0130thal Milliyet\u00e7ilik ve \u00d6tekile\u015ftirdikleri (T\u00fcrkler ve \u201c\u00d6teki\u201dler, Okumu\u015f Adam Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2006; T\u00fcrkler ve \u00d6tekile\u015ftirdiklerimiz, T\u0130MA\u015e Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2008, Akis Kitap Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2012). 2- Bat\u0131\u2019dan \u0130thal Milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin Dinle Kavgas\u0131 (Bilgeo\u011fuz Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2010; Akis Kitap Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2012). 3- \u0130slam Medeniyetinin K\u00fcreselli\u011fi -Ba\u015fka Alternatif Yok-\u00a0(Akis Kitap Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2012).\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/author\/yazar\/\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Assam","description":"Bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmada, \u0130slam medeniyeti ile \u201cmodern-sek\u00fcler\u201d Bat\u0131 medeniyetindeki millet anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131, hem birbirleriyle hem de sosyo-politik yap\u0131larla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Bu kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmalar, T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in uygun olan\u0131 bilmek a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan faydal\u0131 olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Frans\u0131z \u0130htilali\u2019nin tesiriyle \u201cmillet\u201d, Avrupa\u2019da yeni bir sosyo-politik g\u00fc\u00e7 oldu. Milleti tan\u0131mlamak i\u00e7in yap\u0131lan \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalarda ise sosyolojik g\u00f6zlemlere de\u011fil, filozoflar\u0131n fikirlerine ba\u015fvuruldu. Irk, anadil ve vatanda\u015fl\u0131k gibi birbiriyle alakas\u0131z temellere dayal\u0131 olarak \u00fcretilen \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 tan\u0131mlar\u0131n hi\u00e7birinde mutabakat sa\u011flanamad\u0131. Bu arada her bir devlet, tarih\u00ee entegrasyonlar\u0131 kabullenmek yerine, yap\u0131lan tan\u0131mlardan birini se\u00e7erek kendi milletini in\u015fa etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Demek ki her ne kadar \u201culus-devlet\u201d diye tan\u0131nsalar da devletlerin hi\u00e7biri, kesin olarak tan\u0131mlanabilen bir millete ait olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, bir devletin milletini suni olarak in\u015fa etmesi de m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildi. Bu arada bir\u00e7ok devlet par\u00e7aland\u0131, yeni kurulanlar ise ayn\u0131 tehlikeyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131. Di\u011fer yandan \u0130slam medeniyetinde millet kavram\u0131, ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7tan beri vard\u0131r ve manas\u0131 kesindir. Kur\u2019an-\u0131 Kerim\u2019de bulunan bir terim olarak millet, bir dine ve o dinin m\u00fcminlerine denir. \u0130lk d\u00f6nemlerde \u201c\u0130slam Milleti\u201dnin ortak dili sadece Arap\u00e7ayd\u0131. Zamanla Fars\u00e7a ve T\u00fcrk\u00e7e de de\u011fi\u015fik b\u00f6lgelerde ortak dil oldu. B\u00f6ylece \u201cT\u00fcrk\u201d terimi, T\u00fcrk\u00e7eyi ortak dil olarak kullanan farkl\u0131 etnik k\u00f6kenli ve farkl\u0131 anadilli M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n ismi oldu. Sonradan Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n modern-sek\u00fcler tariflerinin al\u0131nmas\u0131yla T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de de \u201cT\u00fcrk milleti\u201d tan\u0131mlar\u0131 belirsizle\u015ferek tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 bir h\u00e2l ald\u0131 ve T\u00fcrk milletinin b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de par\u00e7alanma tehlikesine d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/millet-teorilerinin-tutarsizligi-ve-turk-kavraminin-gercek-muhtevasi-en\/","og_locale":"en_US","og_type":"article","og_title":"The Inconsistency of Theories on Nation and the Real Content of the Concept of Turk - Assam","og_description":"Bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmada, \u0130slam medeniyeti ile \u201cmodern-sek\u00fcler\u201d Bat\u0131 medeniyetindeki millet anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131, hem birbirleriyle hem de sosyo-politik yap\u0131larla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Bu kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmalar, T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in uygun olan\u0131 bilmek a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan faydal\u0131 olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Frans\u0131z \u0130htilali\u2019nin tesiriyle \u201cmillet\u201d, Avrupa\u2019da yeni bir sosyo-politik g\u00fc\u00e7 oldu. Milleti tan\u0131mlamak i\u00e7in yap\u0131lan \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalarda ise sosyolojik g\u00f6zlemlere de\u011fil, filozoflar\u0131n fikirlerine ba\u015fvuruldu. Irk, anadil ve vatanda\u015fl\u0131k gibi birbiriyle alakas\u0131z temellere dayal\u0131 olarak \u00fcretilen \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 tan\u0131mlar\u0131n hi\u00e7birinde mutabakat sa\u011flanamad\u0131. Bu arada her bir devlet, tarih\u00ee entegrasyonlar\u0131 kabullenmek yerine, yap\u0131lan tan\u0131mlardan birini se\u00e7erek kendi milletini in\u015fa etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Demek ki her ne kadar \u201culus-devlet\u201d diye tan\u0131nsalar da devletlerin hi\u00e7biri, kesin olarak tan\u0131mlanabilen bir millete ait olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, bir devletin milletini suni olarak in\u015fa etmesi de m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildi. Bu arada bir\u00e7ok devlet par\u00e7aland\u0131, yeni kurulanlar ise ayn\u0131 tehlikeyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131. Di\u011fer yandan \u0130slam medeniyetinde millet kavram\u0131, ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7tan beri vard\u0131r ve manas\u0131 kesindir. Kur\u2019an-\u0131 Kerim\u2019de bulunan bir terim olarak millet, bir dine ve o dinin m\u00fcminlerine denir. \u0130lk d\u00f6nemlerde \u201c\u0130slam Milleti\u201dnin ortak dili sadece Arap\u00e7ayd\u0131. Zamanla Fars\u00e7a ve T\u00fcrk\u00e7e de de\u011fi\u015fik b\u00f6lgelerde ortak dil oldu. B\u00f6ylece \u201cT\u00fcrk\u201d terimi, T\u00fcrk\u00e7eyi ortak dil olarak kullanan farkl\u0131 etnik k\u00f6kenli ve farkl\u0131 anadilli M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n ismi oldu. Sonradan Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n modern-sek\u00fcler tariflerinin al\u0131nmas\u0131yla T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de de \u201cT\u00fcrk milleti\u201d tan\u0131mlar\u0131 belirsizle\u015ferek tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 bir h\u00e2l ald\u0131 ve T\u00fcrk milletinin b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de par\u00e7alanma tehlikesine d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.","og_url":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/millet-teorilerinin-tutarsizligi-ve-turk-kavraminin-gercek-muhtevasi-en\/","og_site_name":"Assam","article_published_time":"2014-08-11T18:00:00+00:00","author":"H\u00fcseyin DAYI","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_misc":{"Written by":"H\u00fcseyin DAYI","Est. reading time":"88 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/millet-teorilerinin-tutarsizligi-ve-turk-kavraminin-gercek-muhtevasi-en\/","url":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/millet-teorilerinin-tutarsizligi-ve-turk-kavraminin-gercek-muhtevasi-en\/","name":"The Inconsistency of Theories on Nation and the Real Content of the Concept of Turk - Assam","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/#website"},"datePublished":"2014-08-11T18:00:00+00:00","author":{"@id":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/#\/schema\/person\/f942f2b92e38a1b868cd5594076509e7"},"description":"Bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmada, \u0130slam medeniyeti ile \u201cmodern-sek\u00fcler\u201d Bat\u0131 medeniyetindeki millet anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131, hem birbirleriyle hem de sosyo-politik yap\u0131larla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Bu kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmalar, T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in uygun olan\u0131 bilmek a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan faydal\u0131 olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Frans\u0131z \u0130htilali\u2019nin tesiriyle \u201cmillet\u201d, Avrupa\u2019da yeni bir sosyo-politik g\u00fc\u00e7 oldu. Milleti tan\u0131mlamak i\u00e7in yap\u0131lan \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalarda ise sosyolojik g\u00f6zlemlere de\u011fil, filozoflar\u0131n fikirlerine ba\u015fvuruldu. Irk, anadil ve vatanda\u015fl\u0131k gibi birbiriyle alakas\u0131z temellere dayal\u0131 olarak \u00fcretilen \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 tan\u0131mlar\u0131n hi\u00e7birinde mutabakat sa\u011flanamad\u0131. Bu arada her bir devlet, tarih\u00ee entegrasyonlar\u0131 kabullenmek yerine, yap\u0131lan tan\u0131mlardan birini se\u00e7erek kendi milletini in\u015fa etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Demek ki her ne kadar \u201culus-devlet\u201d diye tan\u0131nsalar da devletlerin hi\u00e7biri, kesin olarak tan\u0131mlanabilen bir millete ait olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, bir devletin milletini suni olarak in\u015fa etmesi de m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildi. Bu arada bir\u00e7ok devlet par\u00e7aland\u0131, yeni kurulanlar ise ayn\u0131 tehlikeyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131. Di\u011fer yandan \u0130slam medeniyetinde millet kavram\u0131, ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7tan beri vard\u0131r ve manas\u0131 kesindir. Kur\u2019an-\u0131 Kerim\u2019de bulunan bir terim olarak millet, bir dine ve o dinin m\u00fcminlerine denir. \u0130lk d\u00f6nemlerde \u201c\u0130slam Milleti\u201dnin ortak dili sadece Arap\u00e7ayd\u0131. Zamanla Fars\u00e7a ve T\u00fcrk\u00e7e de de\u011fi\u015fik b\u00f6lgelerde ortak dil oldu. B\u00f6ylece \u201cT\u00fcrk\u201d terimi, T\u00fcrk\u00e7eyi ortak dil olarak kullanan farkl\u0131 etnik k\u00f6kenli ve farkl\u0131 anadilli M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanlar\u0131n ismi oldu. Sonradan Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n modern-sek\u00fcler tariflerinin al\u0131nmas\u0131yla T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de de \u201cT\u00fcrk milleti\u201d tan\u0131mlar\u0131 belirsizle\u015ferek tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 bir h\u00e2l ald\u0131 ve T\u00fcrk milletinin b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de par\u00e7alanma tehlikesine d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.","breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/millet-teorilerinin-tutarsizligi-ve-turk-kavraminin-gercek-muhtevasi-en\/#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"en-US","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/millet-teorilerinin-tutarsizligi-ve-turk-kavraminin-gercek-muhtevasi-en\/"]}]},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/millet-teorilerinin-tutarsizligi-ve-turk-kavraminin-gercek-muhtevasi-en\/#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Anasayfa","item":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"The Inconsistency of Theories on Nation and the Real Content of the Concept of Turk"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/#website","url":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/","name":"Assam","description":"","potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"en-US"},{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/#\/schema\/person\/f942f2b92e38a1b868cd5594076509e7","name":"H\u00fcseyin DAYI","image":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/#\/schema\/person\/image\/","url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/a3fec1b1b3dfb1338a80ed5191290262e45b692518d048d0e79447e2d9a72d6e?s=96&d=mm&r=g","contentUrl":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/a3fec1b1b3dfb1338a80ed5191290262e45b692518d048d0e79447e2d9a72d6e?s=96&d=mm&r=g","caption":"H\u00fcseyin DAYI"},"description":"H\u00fcseyin\u00a0DAYI\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 1952 y\u0131l\u0131nda Erzurum\u2019da do\u011fdu. \u0130lk gen\u00e7lik y\u0131llar\u0131ndan itibaren, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel maksatla kurulmu\u015f \u00e7e\u015fitli derneklerde g\u00f6revler ald\u0131. \u00dcniversite tahsilini, \u0130ktisat ve felsefe olmak \u00fczere iki ayr\u0131 dalda yapt\u0131. S\u0131ras\u0131yla memuriyet, ticaret ve gazetecilikle me\u015fgul oldu. Genellikle din\u00ee inan\u00e7lar ile\u00a0felsef\u00ee\u00a0teorileri\u00a0ve sosyal hayata etkilerini inceledi. O maksatla \u00f6zellikle din, felsefe, tarih, antropoloji, sosyoloji ve sosyal psikoloji alanlar\u0131nda \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc okuyup d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeye y\u00f6neldi. Ulusal ve uluslararas\u0131 bilim kongrelerinde tebli\u011fler sundu, hakemli dergilerde makaleleri yay\u0131nland\u0131. Ba\u015fta T\u00fcrk milleti hakk\u0131ndakiler olmak \u00fczere, Bat\u0131\u2019da \u00fcretilmi\u015f millet teorileri ile milliyet\u00e7iliklerin yanl\u0131\u015f ve zararl\u0131 oldu\u011fu \u015feklindeki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini dile getirdi. T\u00fcrk teriminin, T\u00fcrk\u00e7eyi ortak dil olarak kullanan farkl\u0131 etnik k\u00f6kenden M\u00fcsl\u00fcman kavimlerin birle\u015fiminin ismi oldu\u011fu \u015feklindeki tespitini anlatt\u0131. \u00c7evrecilik, insan-hayvan-bitki haklar\u0131, sava\u015f aleyhtarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve demokrasinin en sa\u011flam temellerinin \u0130slamiyet\u2019te oldu\u011funu savundu. D\u00fcnya G\u00fcndemi, Star, Yeni \u015eafak, \u00d6nce Vatan ve Zaman gazetelerinde makaleleri; Yeni Asya ve Yeni \u015eafak gazetelerinde kendisiyle yap\u0131lan r\u00f6portajlar yay\u0131nland\u0131. Siyaset ve sosyal bilimler alan\u0131na \u201c\u00d6tekile\u015ftirmek\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131 kazand\u0131rd\u0131. \u201cDevletin milleti- milletin devleti\u201d \u015feklindeki tasnifi de ilgi g\u00f6rmektedir. Orta derecede \u0130ngilizce bilen yazar, evli olup bir evlat babas\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130lk yay\u0131nlanma tarihi s\u0131ras\u0131na g\u00f6re kitaplar\u0131 \u015funlard\u0131r: 1- Bat\u0131\u2019dan \u0130thal Milliyet\u00e7ilik ve \u00d6tekile\u015ftirdikleri (T\u00fcrkler ve \u201c\u00d6teki\u201dler, Okumu\u015f Adam Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2006; T\u00fcrkler ve \u00d6tekile\u015ftirdiklerimiz, T\u0130MA\u015e Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2008, Akis Kitap Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2012). 2- Bat\u0131\u2019dan \u0130thal Milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin Dinle Kavgas\u0131 (Bilgeo\u011fuz Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2010; Akis Kitap Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2012). 3- \u0130slam Medeniyetinin K\u00fcreselli\u011fi -Ba\u015fka Alternatif Yok-\u00a0(Akis Kitap Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2012). \u00a0 H\u00fcseyin\u00a0DAYI He was born in Erzurum in 1952. From his early youth, he took part in various associations established for cultural purposes. He completed his university education in two different branches, Economics and philosophy. He was engaged in civil service, trade and journalism, respectively. He generally studied religious beliefs and philosophical theories and their effects on social life. For this purpose, he tended to read and think in many ways, especially in the fields of religion, philosophy, history, anthropology, sociology and social psychology. He presented papers at national and international scientific congresses, and his articles were published in refereed journals. He expressed his views that nation theories and nationalisms produced in the West, especially those about the Turkish nation, are wrong and harmful. He explained his determination that the term \u201cTurk\u201d is the name of a combination of Muslim tribes of different ethnic origins who use Turkish as a common language. He argued that the most important foundations of environmentalism, human-animal-plant rights, anti-war and democracy are within Islam. His articles were published in the newspapers D\u00fcnya G\u00fcndem, Star, Yeni \u015eafak, First Vatan and Zaman, and interviews with him were published in the newspapers Yeni Asya and Yeni \u015eafak. He introduced the concept of \u201cmarginalizing\u201d to the field of politics and social sciences. His classification as \u201cthe nation of the state - the state of the nation\u201d also attracts attention. The author, who speaks intermediate level English, is married and has a son. The books, in order by date of first publication, are: 1- Bat\u0131\u2019dan \u0130thal Milliyet\u00e7ilik ve \u00d6tekile\u015ftirdikleri (T\u00fcrkler ve \u201c\u00d6teki\u201dler, Okumu\u015f Adam Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2006; T\u00fcrkler ve \u00d6tekile\u015ftirdiklerimiz, T\u0130MA\u015e Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2008, Akis Kitap Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2012). 2- Bat\u0131\u2019dan \u0130thal Milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin Dinle Kavgas\u0131 (Bilgeo\u011fuz Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2010; Akis Kitap Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2012). 3- \u0130slam Medeniyetinin K\u00fcreselli\u011fi -Ba\u015fka Alternatif Yok-\u00a0(Akis Kitap Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2012).","url":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/author\/yazar\/"}]}},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4605","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/48"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4605"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4605\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4605"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4605"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4605"},{"taxonomy":"manset","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/assam.org.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/manset?post=4605"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}